Xi Jinping submitted 2 resignation letters but they were withheld and not put to a vote! The PLA Daily front page opened fire in a rare move: "Why can one only go up and not down?" blocking his path to retreat in public! The 100-year-old Qi Xin's personal female imperial physician was so terrified she turned herself in, and 12 provincial party secretaries and governors were rounded up into the National People's Congress! [Jiang Feng Vision 20261107 Episode 534]
This episode mainly analyzes the political wrestling and personnel purging within Zhongnanhai around the Fifth Plenary Session. Xi Jinping submitted his resignation at the plenary session, but it was not put to a vote as he faced relentless pressure from the Hu-Wen faction. The front page of the Liberation Army Daily published an article metaphorically forcing him to step down voluntarily; meanwhile, Yu Yanhong, the personal physician of Xi's mother, voluntarily surrendered, several provincial chiefs were reassigned to the National People's Congress, and the core accounts of the local and military-industrial systems were audited, indicating drastic changes in the political landscape.
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On November 6, the Liberation Army Daily used the words of a founding general on its front page to read out Lao Xi's resignation letter from the Fifth Plenary Session in front of the entire military forces. This newsletter is titled "Returning from a Hundred Battles Far from Floating Fame," and it describes the resignation of founding General Zhu Liangcai. At that time, he was the political commissar of the Beijing Military Region and suffered a lifelong disability in his right arm during the war. Comrades-in-arms urged him to work while recuperating, but he told his wife that power is given by the people and the party, asking why one can only go up and not down, and stating that he had already decided to step down voluntarily. Why did the army newspaper do this? Because Lao Xi himself mentioned stepping down voluntarily twice a week ago at the Fifth Plenary Session. Every word written in the article is a one-to-one mapping of Zhu Liangcai onto today's Lao Xi.
First, the organization sent people to work on his wife, Li Kaifen, asking her to persuade him not to resign. Why mention this specifically? Because the one who clings most to power, fears losing their protective umbrella the most, and desperately needs Lao Xi not to resign is Lao Xi's wife, the boss's lady. The army newspaper goes on to write that the resignation letter was quickly submitted to Chairman Mao, who was very puzzled and asked Nie Rongzhen to inquire about the reasons. Isn't this exactly like Lao Xi submitting his resignation twice at the Fifth Plenary Session, while the decision-making and deliberative coordination agencies held onto it without putting it to a vote even once? The army newspaper even wrote down the ending: Old Mao understood and laughed heartily, praising Zhu Liangcai for his high political awareness and calling voluntary step-down a glory. These words were meant for Lao Xi—once you open your mouth, you can no longer go back on your word. The army newspaper specifically noted that the visitors to Zhu Liangcai's former residence were officers and soldiers of a certain army unit. Why specifically point out the army? Because the army has always been the trump card of the old military bosses, yet over the past two years, Lao Xi's purge of the military has arrested active-duty army generals until not a single one is left, and the army is using the visit to Zhu Liangcai's former residence on the front page of the army newspaper to vent this pent-up anger.
Well, that is one thing, and the next is the problem: Old Xi personally mentioned stepping down twice at the plenary session, but the Central Committee didn't hold a single vote on it. Why did this happen? Because this was fundamentally a massive trap jointly set by Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao for Zeng Qinghong and Old Xi. Old Xi blurted out in front of more than 300 people that he was resigning due to health reasons, and once spoken, words cannot be taken back. But Hu and Wen simply tucked the resignation letter into their pockets, leaving Old Xi hanging in limbo, half-dead and half-alive. Over the past couple of days, some people outside have been saying that the Fifth Plenary Session didn't vote on Old Xi's resignation because they hadn't finished negotiating who would take over the Central Military Commission. Let's look at the official schedule: as early as October 22, four days before the opening of the Fifth Plenary Session, Zhao Leji, chairman of the National People's Congress, presided over a meeting of the NPC Standing Committee chairperson and already scheduled the deliberation of the qualifications of certain deputies and related appointment and removal cases into the agenda of the NPC Standing Committee meeting from November 2 to 6. That list of appointments and removals was the reassignment list announced on November 6, which placed 12 provincial party secretaries and governors from Old Xi's era into deputy chairmanships of NPC special committees. Four days before the plenary session even opened, things had already been negotiated and settled. Zhang Shengmin, under Hu Jintao's command, also smoothly advanced into the Politburo at the Fifth Plenary Session, which shows that as long as Hu and Wen wanted to push forward personnel arrangements, there was nothing that couldn't be negotiated. The excuse that there was no candidate for the Military Commission and therefore Old Xi's resignation couldn't be approved is undoubtedly just a pretext.
So why didn't Hu and Wen vote on Old Xi's resignation at the Fifth Plenary Session? If we explain it using everyday merchant terms among common folk, you will understand completely: because once you vote, you have to settle the accounts on the spot. Once the accounts are settled, Old Xi becomes the formally retired former general secretary, and the four conditions negotiated by Zeng Qinghong all take effect—stepping down with dignity and letting bygones be bygones. As soon as the new team takes office, the very first thing they talk about is unity and stability. If you were to investigate Ma Xingrui, arrest Yu Yanhong, and target people around Old Xi at that point, it would be called tearing up the agreement and settling accounts afterward. To put it more seriously, it would mean the new team creating divisions and grabbing territory within the party the moment they sat down. Zeng Qinghong and the conservative elders could immediately slam the table: the predecessor has just left and you are already purging his people; this is splitting the party. By that point, every elder at the table would side with Old Xi. The aggressive momentum before the Fifth Plenary Session—demanding an immediate vote to dismiss him, pressuring him through a coup, and settling accounts—was simply a show put on by Hu and Wen for Zeng Qinghong. What they wanted was to force Zeng Qinghong himself to trick Old Xi into handing over his resignation letter. Once the resignation letter was in hand and suppressed without a vote, Hu and Wen's counterattack immediately struck out, cleaning up Old Xi and Zeng Qinghong's conservatives all at once.
Look at the knives that fell this past week, just two days after the plenary session adjourned: on October 31, Fu Chengyu, the former chairman of Sinopec, fell from grace. Fu Chengyu grew up in the petroleum system where Zeng Qinghong started his career. Coupled with Huang Qifan, who was taken down first on October 13, these two blows served as killing the chicken to scare the monkey, letting Zeng Qinghong know not to think that persuading Old Xi to step down would protect the Jiang faction's money bag. Immediately afterward, the blade turned and stabbed into Old Xi's backyard: on November 4, the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference stripped Wang Tongzhou of China Communications Construction Company and Yu Yanhong of their CPPCC qualifications. Why could these blows against the Jiang faction and Old Xi's family core circle land so smoothly without even a ripple of backlash? Precisely because the Fifth Plenary Session did not vote on Old Xi's resignation, leaving him nominally still holding the titles of general secretary, state president, and chairman of the Central Military Commission. Now, when the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection arrests Fu Chengyu, prosecutes Ma Xingrui, and pressures Old Xi's mother's imperial physician Yu Yanhong, it all appears on the surface as normal anti-corruption led by Old Xi himself, and Zeng Qinghong cannot pick out a single word of breach of contract or post-hoc settling of accounts.
Speaking of this, when you look back at the front-page article in the PLA Daily on the early morning of November 6 titled "Returning from a Hundred Battles, Far Away Float Fainting Fames," you will know what this article is actually for. It is the lock that Hu and Wen placed on this fast blade that was not voted on. In the reporter's notes at the end of the article, the military newspaper directly named that on the new journey, all party cadres and officers of the entire military, especially senior leadership cadres, should take the revolutionary predecessors as a mirror, look lightly upon personal gains and losses, and care less about fame, wealth, and fortune. Among the original seven members of the 20th Central Military Commission, apart from Old Xi, the only one left is Zhang Shengmin, who just entered the Politburo. When the military newspaper asks the highest leadership cadres of the entire military to look in the mirror and voluntarily step aside, who else could it be besides the 73-year-old Old Xi? Lieutenant General Chen Demin, who heads the political work department, plastered this article on the front page early in the morning on November 6 to weld shut Old Xi's retreat in front of two million officers and soldiers of the entire military. You, Old Xi, said with your own mouth at the Fifth Plenary Session that you wanted to resign and step aside, and now the military newspaper broadcasts it for you so that the whole military knows. Not a single general dares to fight for you anymore. Yet the Fifth Plenary Session refuses to hold a vote for you, making it so you cannot leave and you cannot step down either. Hu and Wen simply want Old Xi to hang on stage like this, using his name to clean up the wings of the Old Xi faction one by one.
On the morning of November 6, the website of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the National Supervisory Commission issued a notice: Yu Yanhong, former member of the Party Leadership Group of the National Health Commission and former Party Secretary and Director of the National Administration of Traditional Chinese Medicine, is suspected of serious violations of discipline and law and has voluntarily surrendered. This blow is aimed at the word "illness" that Xi Jinping mentioned at the Fifth Plenary Session, and it is aimed at the backyard of Xi's centenarian mother, Qi Xin. Born in 1962 in Shaoyang, Hunan, Yu Yanhong was an obstetrician by training. In 1988, she entered the First Military Medical University in Guangzhou, which later became Southern Medical University. She worked her way up from the obstetrics department of the affiliated Nanfang Hospital to become vice president and then president of Southern Medical University. Logically, a medical university president would spend her whole life in the medical and educational system, but in January 2018, Yu Yanhong was promoted to Vice Governor of Guangdong Province. At that time, the head of the Guangdong provincial government was Ma Xingrui. Yu Yanhong served as Vice Governor of Guangdong under Ma Xingrui for only five months. In June 2018, she was transferred to Beijing to become a member of the Party Leadership Group of the National Health Commission and Party Secretary of the National Administration of Traditional Chinese Medicine, a vice-ministerial level position. She became Director in 2023 and was removed from office this February.
Why would a university president with an obstetrics background be promoted to Beijing after only five months as vice governor? Because she was the personal physician for Xi Jinping's mother, Qi Xin; some called her the "imperial physician" to Xi's mother. For the past decade or so, Xi's mother had been recuperating at guesthouses in Shenzhen and Guangzhou. In the entire family, the woman Xi is most grateful to is his mother, and the woman he fears most is his eldest sister. Xi personally designated his eldest sister as the head of the family and told the whole family to listen to her. After the 18th National Congress, the first thing every newly appointed Shenzhen Party Secretary would do was to pay respects to "Sister Qiao"; only after she gave the nod could local officials earn the qualification to visit the elderly Mrs. Qi. The doctor responsible for coordinating the medical expert team to attend to Mrs. Qi's daily healthcare in Guangdong was none other than Yu Yanhong, then president of Southern Medical University. Yu Yanhong took such good care of the old lady that, with a word from Xi's eldest sister and the green light from then-Guangdong Governor Ma Xingrui, Yu Yanhong rose through the ranks based on her role in providing healthcare to Mrs. Qi.
Once you understand this identity, you can see why she chose this moment to surrender. Many people at Southern Medical University, where she worked for 30 years, have been investigated in recent years, and her predecessor at the National Administration of Traditional Chinese Medicine, Yu Wenming, was just sentenced to 15 years in prison for bribery this August. Yu Yanhong is the 58th centrally-managed cadre to fall this year. Why wasn't Yu Yanhong afraid before? Because she felt she held a "get-out-of-jail-free card" by serving Mrs. Qi, believing that if the sky fell, the Xi family would hold it up. But as it turned out, news leaked that Xi had read his resignation letter twice at the Fifth Plenary Session; the sky over the Xi family had collapsed. At this point, even Xi's eldest sister could not protect herself. On November 4, the Standing Committee of the CPPCC National Committee revoked Yu Yanhong's qualification as a member of the CPPCC. One day later, on November 5, her former superior in Guangdong, Ma Xingrui, was formally indicted. What is even more fatal is that the indictment specifically mentions the period when he was Governor of Guangdong. Yu Yanhong knew very well that if she waited for the CCDI to come for her, she would face the same 15-year prison sentence as her predecessor, Yu Wenming. The only way to get a lighter sentence and save her life was to surrender voluntarily.
Xi Jinping offered his resignation twice at the Fifth Plenary Session, using the excuse of resigning as General Secretary and Chairman of the Military Commission due to "illness." But how sick is Xi really? Is he truly too ill to work, or is he using illness as a pretext to find a way out, or even faking illness to play games with the plenary session? Who gets to decide this? The doctors do. The administrative responsibility for medical care for the central leadership and their families falls under the National Health Commission. Since Yu Yanhong was a member of the Party Leadership Group of the National Health Commission and a doctor close to the old lady, Xi's medical records are now in the hands of Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, and the CCDI. The arrangement for Xi to resign due to illness and step down gracefully, which Zeng Qinghong helped negotiate at the Fifth Plenary Session, relies entirely on the word "illness." When the resignation is put to a vote at the Sixth or Seventh Plenary Session next year, if Hu and Wen want to claim that Xi is seriously ill and unable to work, they have the testimony and medical records from the "imperial physician" Yu Yanhong. If Xi dares to go back on his word and refuses to step down, and Hu and Wen want to expose him for faking illness to deceive the Central Plenary Session, they also have Yu Yanhong's testimony as evidence. The power to interpret Xi's "illness" now belongs to Hu and Wen.
As early as last July, Old Xi's own younger brother had already represented the old lady, the eldest sister, and the second sister in expressing their stance to the party elders, hoping that the Central Committee would arrange for Old Xi to retire as soon as possible, and that the Xi Zhongxun family firmly supported the Central Committee's decision. By February of this year, Zeng Qinghong had even entrusted an intermediary to specifically pass a message to the old lady, telling her to quickly keep her son in check so as not to capsize the CCP's ship. On the second day after Ma Xingrui was formally indicted, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) took in the doctor who was close to the old lady. This was Hu and Wen sending a message to Old Xi's sister and brother: we can touch the people around the old lady at any time regarding the details of your Qi family in Guangdong. If Old Xi obediently cooperates in handing over power in the coming year, that is one thing; but if Old Xi dares to renege and cause trouble before the vote at the Sixth or Seventh Plenary Session, then it won't just be Yu Yanhong, the doctor, who will have to enter the CCDI and provide a confession. The line involving Ma Xingrui, which manages the purse strings of the 'Boss Lady's' Shandong faction, has already been indicted; both the doors to the 'Boss Lady' and Old Madam Qi have been smashed open.
On the morning of November 6, at the exact same moment Yu Yanhong kowtowed and surrendered, a ruthless act was carried out in the Great Hall of the People, the likes of which had not been seen since the 14th National People's Congress: twelve provincial party secretaries and governors from the Old Xi era were all at once stuffed into the special committees of the National People's Congress (NPC) as deputy chairmen. The NPC special committees are retirement homes with no real power; in previous years, only one or two retired old men would be placed there at a time. This time, twelve regional power-holders lined up to receive their retirement certificates together—a first in history. There are still people outside trying to save face for Old Xi, claiming it is a normal retirement at the age limit. This is pure, barefaced lying. The red line for a ministerial-level top official is 65, but among the twelve people pushed into the NPC today, nine had not even reached that age. Among them are Wang Junzheng and Liang Yanshun, die-hard loyalists of Old Xi and the 'Boss Lady's' Shandong faction, and Liu Ning, the Henan secretary who got connected to Old Xi through Chen Xi. The youngest, Gansu Governor Ren Zhenhe, is only just 62 and has not reached retirement age. Why were they all wiped out?
As long as you understand the trap Wen Jiabao set for Henan Governor Wang Kai, you will break into a cold sweat. On the same day, November 6, in the same NPC announcement: on the front page, the 64-year-old former Henan Governor Wang Kai stood in the Great Hall of the People and received the red booklet of an NPC special committee deputy chairman with both hands. Two pages later in the announcement, He Xiong, the former deputy secretary-general of the Henan Provincial Government and director of the General Office, had his qualifications as a deputy to the National People's Congress revoked on the spot and was sent directly to prison. Who is He Xiong? He is the personal chief steward and top secretary who served Wang Kai for several years. Every note signed by the Governor in the province and every 'white glove' he met passed through He Xiong's hands. Calculate the mental ledger of Wang Kai standing on the carpet of the Great Hall: why did Wen Jiabao issue him a retirement certificate and arrest his personal chief secretary on the same day? This is the most soul-crushing hostage-taking in Zhongnanhai. These twelve regional power-holders who have been stripped of real power still hold the iron title of members of the 20th Central Committee. The resignation letter Old Xi submitted is currently sitting in a drawer, yet to be voted on. When the Sixth Plenary Session is held next year to formally vote on Old Xi stepping down and Hu Chunhua taking over, those sitting below pressing the voting buttons will include these twelve Central Committee members. Wen Jiabao has moved them all to Beijing in advance, locking them in the NPC office under his nose, and is interrogating their chief secretaries in prison. With the ledgers placed on the table, they will obediently raise their hands at the plenary session to vote in favor of Old Xi stepping down. You can sit in that NPC retirement chair until the end; whoever dares to cause trouble for Old Xi in the meeting hall will face the same fate tomorrow as He Xiong, who was dismissed and sent to prison today.
Not only will they turn Old Xi's Central Committee members into puppets voting under duress, but Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao also intend to uproot his local 'knives' (enforcement power) and the ballot boxes for next year's 21st National Congress before Old Xi can renege. Over the past month, as soon as new provincial party secretaries took office in Anhui and Henan, their first order of business was to replace the entire provincial discipline inspection commission secretaries, political and legal affairs commission secretaries, public security department heads, and provincial military district political commissars overnight with new faces. This is equivalent to taking a giant pair of scissors and cutting the telephone lines Wang Xiaohong extended from Beijing to the provinces. Even if Old Xi wanted to cause trouble during the transition period tomorrow, Wang Xiaohong's orders wouldn't even be able to leave Beijing. In the same NPC announcement, even Meng Qingbin, a general and deputy who belonged to the armed police force—the private 'knives' that Old Xi personally brought under the direct control of the Central Military Commission in 2018—was forced to submit his resignation and obediently leave.
What made Zeng Qinghong even more regretful was that Wen Jiabao's move of "replacing the old birds with new ones" tricked even Zeng Qinghong himself. During the Fifth Plenary Session, Zeng Qinghong rushed over in the middle of the night to urge old Xi to voluntarily resign, with his mind full of calculations that once the plenary session adjourned, he could use the merit of being the prime persuader to sit down and divide up the official posts of all provinces across the country equally with Hu and Wen. Little did he know that during the very weekend before the opening of the Fifth Plenary Session—October 24 and 25, a mere 48 hours—Wen Jiabao launched a lightning assault, replacing all eight Party and government chiefs across six provinces, including Hunan and Yunnan, in one go. To occupy the positions before the various provincial party congresses could elect delegates to the 21st National Congress, Wen Jiabao was so ruthless that Mogaoyi, dispatched to Yunnan as the provincial party secretary, was neither a member of the Central Committee nor an alternate member, nor even a member of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. He would rather break the precedent and use a "three-no's" parachuted official to weld the gates shut than let the people of old Xi and Zeng Qinghong touch the edges of next year's 21st National Congress ballots. By the time Zeng Qinghong finished the meeting, came to his senses, and wanted to launch an attack, Wen Jiabao had long since sealed his mouth shut. In this list of 12 people entering the National People's Congress to spend their old age, Wen Jiabao deliberately mixed in Hu and Wen's own person Mao Weiming and Wang Zhengpu, the former subordinate of Hu Chunhua. Wen Jiabao smiled, laid the cards on the table, and said we are treating everyone fairly, retiring to the second line together when the time comes, and no one is carrying out factional liquidations. Watching the iron-clad dominion of over a dozen provinces completely change hands outside, Zeng Qinghong could not spit out half a sentence.
With local guns and ballots hollowed out, what was old Xi's situation inside Zhongnanhai? On November 6, old Xi dragged himself into the Zhongnanhai Huairen Hall polling station at 3:30 PM to cast his vote for the Xicheng District People's Congress representative in Beijing. It was this brief appearance of just a few minutes that completely stripped away old Xi's underpants, exposing his current state of being under surveillance. Over the past dozen years since old Xi became General Secretary, every five-year district and county People's Congress vote—at 10:00 AM sharp in 2016 and 10:30 AM in 2021—saw him go early in the morning, full of vigor, to cast the very first ballot. Yet this year, it was stubbornly dragged out until 3:30 PM. Why couldn't he come out in the morning? Because the entire morning of November 6, the Great Hall of the People was handling the handover and retirement procedures for those 12 frontier-governing grand officials under him, and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection was handling Yu Yanhong's surrender and confession. Old Xi sat in the room listening to the outside world slice his flesh away knife after knife, lingering until the afternoon when the People's Congress adjourned and the matter was a fait accompli, before being invited into Huairen Hall to go through this formality.
Even more eye-catching was the person standing beside him, Wang Huning. According to the decades-old rules of the CCP, the Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) must vote at the polling station within the CPPCC organ. Yu Zhengsheng in 2016 and Wang Yang in 2021 both went to the CPPCC to vote themselves. Yet this year, Wang Huning, who is in charge of the CPPCC, broke the rules for the very first time and did not go to the CPPCC, instead squeezing into Zhongnanhai's Huairen Hall to stand before the exact same ballot box as old Xi and Cai Qi. Nominally it was to accompany the voting, but in reality? Neither Zeng Qinghong nor the party elders trusted old Xi to pull any tricks in public; Wang Huning was there as a close-range supervisor staring at him to ensure he honestly stuffed his ballot into the box. Just listen to what old Xi said in front of the ballot box: the official dispatch released by Xinhua News Agency was only 640 characters long, the shortest in over a decade. In the previous two votes, the moment old Xi opened his mouth it was about "zero tolerance," and when he closed it, it was about "resolutely investigating and punishing," full of Jinyiwei-style murderous intent. But this time? Standing under Wang Huning's eyelids, all that old Xi read out was "a clean and upright political atmosphere." With such old slogans from the Hu-Wen era, the saber gone, even the confidence to speak had been drained away.
While old Xi was bowing his head and admitting defeat inside Huairen Hall, on the other side of Zhongnanhai, a chair that had been vacant for a full month and a half was stirring up a genuine bloody storm: the position of Minister of Industry and Information Technology. Former Minister of Industry and Information Technology Li Lecheng was transferred to Anhui as party secretary on September 23. Logically speaking, such a crucial substantive ministry should have its new minister filled on the very same day. Yet it dragged on all the way to October 30, when the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology held a plenary meeting to convey the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session; on the stage, there was neither a minister nor a party group secretary, and only a Vice Minister, Ke Jixin, was sent up to read the manuscript. Why did a majestic ministerial-level yamen have its top post stuck midway and experience a difficult birth for a month and a half? Because underneath the chair of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology is locked a life-threatening ledger that old Xi and the boss's wife are most afraid of seeing the light of day. The baseline ledgers of the country's top ten military-industrial groups—nuclear industry, aerospace, aviation, ordinance, and shipbuilding—along with the State Administration for Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, which manages all equipment procurement and military funding, are all managed on behalf by the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology. On October 29, the communique of the Fifth Plenary Session just expelled former Minister of Industry and Information Technology Jin Zhuanglong from the Party, and tied to the exact same list with Jin Zhuanglong were Zhang Youxia, Liu Zhenli, and the boss's wife's fellow Shandong townsman, Ma Xingrui.
On the day the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology held its plenary meeting, the official press release viciously stated that they must "profoundly absorb the lessons of the Jin Zhuanglong case." The murderous intent behind this sentence is overwhelming. Back then, when Xi Jinping desperately wanted to strike a fatal blow against Zhang Youxia, the framed accusation he forcefully imposed on Zhang was colluding with Ma Xingrui to embezzle a huge amount of military funds within the military-industrial system. Yet at the Fifth Plenary Session, when Xi Jinping nodded and resigned, the final bottom line that Zeng Qinghong secured for him was that Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli would not be rehabilitated for the time being. But now, in the Supreme People's Procuratorate's indictment against Ma Xingrui, not a single word is mentioned about Zhang Youxia. So who on earth is responsible for the hundreds of billions in black holes embezzled from the military-industrial system? The account books are all locked in the safe of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology. If the people sent by the Hu-Wen faction and the veteran military generals take the helm as Minister of Industry and Information Technology and flip open the account books of the State Administration for Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, the irrefutable evidence will prove that those who embezzled the military funds were entirely Ma Xingrui and Jin Zhuanglong, having not a single dime to do with Zhang Youxia. Then the unjust verdicts against Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli would be overturned on the spot. Fanned by this raging fire, the veteran military generals would directly liquidate Xi Jinping and the Madam, and the final shred of fig leaf allowing them to step down with dignity would be torn into shreds on the spot. It is precisely because of this that Xi's remaining diehards and Zeng Qinghong are fighting desperately to block the appointment of the Minister of Industry and Information Technology, daring not to hand over this key under any circumstances. Meanwhile, the veteran military generals have also laid their cards on the table: only when the military-industrial accounts are cleared up and justice is served for Zhang Youxia will the new team be allowed to steadily take over the seal of the Central Military Commission. Sooner or later, that black military-industrial ledger of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology will be exposed by someone, and this grand drama in Zhongnanhai will have to be fought all the way to the Sixth Plenary Session before the outcome is decided.Friends outside the screen do not need to endure this winter inside the Red Walls, but now that the Beginning of Winter has passed and the chill is setting in, building up a solid physical foundation matters more than anything else. 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