Xi Jinping and his wife have completely lost power! Peng Liyuan's confidant was raided in four locations, implicating a major general in-law; Old Xi tried to trade the Shenzhen summit for his wife but was flatly rejected! [Jiang Feng Vision 20261114 Episode 540]

This episode focuses on tracking the political downfall of Xi Jinping and his wife, as well as the inside story of the downfall of Peng Liyuan's close confidant Wang Zhonglin. The article details the process of Wang Zhonglin and his relatives having their homes raided in four locations, reveals the deep logic behind the Fujian faction's reporting, Wen Jiabao's strategic layout, military pressure, and high-level power games, and analyzes the latest developments of Public Security Minister Wang Xiaohong on the Yunnan border and the latest trends in high-level power.

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Hello friends, welcome to Jiangfeng Horizon. Old Xi's wife's private office has already been raided, and the director who manages affairs most closely by the boss's wife has been taken away. This grand housekeeper is none other than, as rumored online, the biological daughter of former Hubei Provincial Party Secretary Wang Zhonglin. Wang Zhonglin is the Vice Chairman of the Environmental Protection and Resources Conservation Committee of the 14th National People's Congress. On Friday evening, November 13 at 6 PM, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) officially announced that he was under investigation, and just a few minutes later, CCP media spilled all the details. On the morning of November 6, just as the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress concluded, he was taken away in Beijing that very day. His daughter and son-in-law were investigated simultaneously, and even his secretary surnamed Wang was called in to assist with the investigation. A fallen provincial party secretary, with his daughter, son-in-law, and secretary taken down all at once—this was aimed squarely at Old Xi's wife. We didn't just start talking about this today; we already discussed it on September 25. Former Hubei Secretary Wang Zhonglin was idling in the National People's Congress, and rumors had long been circulating outside that his family's crony ties reached into the core circle of Peng's office. A month and a half later, the other shoe dropped, and the official announcement had already spread wildly online before it was released.

On November 11, Wang Zhonglin's four residences in Beijing, Wuhan, Jinan, and Zaozhuang were raided on the same day by more than fifty people. His wife, daughter, and even his divorced former son-in-law were taken away together. Who ordered the hit? It was the decision-making and coordination body led by Wen Jiabao, which had the CCDI execute it. Why was the hand so ruthless? It was to vent anger on behalf of the military. The old military brass were furious: our full generals were taken down in one sweep, all accused of corruption, but what about you civilian officials? Look, on November 4, the Standing Committee of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference removed former Armed Police Commander Wang Ning, and just a day later, on November 6, the CCDI took away Wang Zhonglin. One move disarmed the boss's wife, and the other arrested the boss's person. Looking at the dates, on the morning of November 13, Xinhua News Agency just announced that Old Xi would go to Shenzhen from next Tuesday to Thursday to host APEC and meet with Trump. Right here at 6 PM that evening, the news about Wang Zhonglin, which had been suppressed for a full seven days, was dropped. The diplomatic sector controlled by the CCP conservatives gave Old Xi plenty of face in the morning, while the CCP reformers stripped away the boss's wife's substance by evening.

Wang Zhonglin was taken away on November 6, and his official announcement wasn't made until November 13. For a full seven days in between, the CCDI did not utter a single word. On that very same day, November 6, the CCDI posted the notice about Yu Yanhong, the healthcare doctor of Old Xi's mother, online. The same CCDI posted one immediately and suppressed the other for seven days—why? Yu Yanhong turned herself in, and posting her was meant for others to see. Wang Zhonglin was arrested; he was only valuable while held in their hands. Without announcing it, no one outside could grasp the bottom line, and the CCDI took advantage of this window to interrogate him overnight. Which Hubei project was given to whom, which channels the money took, what his daughter handled around the boss's wife—the CCDI didn't waste a single day during those seven days. On the morning of November 6, as soon as the NPC Standing Committee meeting adjourned, Wang Zhonglin was taken away. His daughter and son-in-law were investigated simultaneously, but she was left outside. His daughter still went to work in Fozhenguyuan, and his secretary surnamed Wang was first called in to assist with the investigation. Inside, they pried open the secretary's mouth; outside, they watched the daughter, recording every single person she met and every phone call she made.

By November 11, the testimonies had been cross-referenced and the addresses confirmed, so the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) began the crackdown and raids. With the four locations—Beijing, Wuhan, Jinan, and Zaozhuang—separated by thousands of kilometers, they had to strike at the exact same time; they feared that if one place moved first, a single phone call would allow the others to move the evidence. At exactly 9:00 AM, several commercial vehicles pulled up simultaneously at the entrances of the four residential compounds, with over fifty people involved in total. The Beijing location had the most personnel, with over a dozen. Wang Zhonglin himself had been taken in five days prior, leaving only his wife and daughter in the house. All mobile phones were placed on the table, no calls were allowed, the landline cord was pulled out on the spot, and the nanny and driver were monitored separately. The safe in the study and the boxes under the bed were photographed, cataloged, boxed, and sealed one by one, with the red light of the law enforcement body cameras recording from start to finish. The apartment in Wuhan was usually empty, so the investigators even removed the paintings from the walls and tapped on them one by one. In Jinan, the former son-in-law was in a meeting at his company when investigators walked straight in and took him away. It is rumored that the Wang daughter also has a relative by marriage who is a major general; he was in a meeting at his agency that morning, and before the meeting had even adjourned, personnel from the Military Commission for Discipline Inspection called him out. The people at all four locations were taken away in less than an hour, and the goods were moved until dusk.

That noon at Fengzeyuan, the phone call that the boss's wife's office director made punctually every day did not ring. Wang Zhonglin had an older sister who sold vegetables in his hometown in Shandong; he had been an official for decades but had rarely helped this biological sister. In the end, the sister selling vegetables was safe and sound, yet it was the daughter who had climbed the high branch of the boss's wife who dragged the whole family into this. When a retired provincial party secretary gets into trouble, dealing with him alone is usually enough, but investigating the daughter, the son-in-law, and the former son-in-law all at once is treatment usually reserved for the level of Ma Xingrui. Ma Xingrui's announcement of his dual expulsion explicitly stated that he had engaged in large-scale family corruption. The investigation into Wang Zhonglin focused on projects in Hubei, and the investigation into his daughter focused on whether that money ultimately ended up in the Peng family's pockets. On November 12, CCDI member Zhang Ji sat on the rostrum in Wuhan; this was a message to the Hubei officialdom: do not act rashly. However, the matter of Wang Zhonglin was still being held back from announcement. Wen Jiabao was waiting for old Xi to play his hand first, because during these same seven days, old Xi and his wife at Fengzeyuan had already been in total turmoil.

On the evening of November 6, just after old Xi returned home from voting at Huairentang, the boss's wife told him that the office director who managed things for her, Wang Zhonglin, had been taken away in Beijing that day. The boss's wife made it clear on the spot: this fatal whistleblowing letter was originally submitted by those Fujian people under your command; now this knife has been stabbed into my house. You protected your Wang Xiaohong, but everyone who was filled in was my person. From November 7, old Xi did not appear for five consecutive days. The CCDI only replied with four words: "Follow the procedure." Old Xi entrusted someone to send a message to Zeng Qinghong, saying that it was Zeng Qinghong who had come forward at the Fifth Plenary Session to persuade him to step down. "I have stepped down to this point, yet they are still grabbing people inside my house. Today they dare to touch the people around my wife; tomorrow, following that account book of Fu Chengyu, they could reach the door of your Zeng family." Zeng Qinghong did not even show his face. Fu Chengyu, who fell on October 31, was his man in the early years, and he himself was already on thin ice; how could he dare to take the lead for old Xi? He only entrusted someone to bring back one sentence: "What was agreed upon at the plenary session was that foreign affairs would be yours until the 21st National Congress, but there is no clause saying that people in your house cannot be investigated. Go to Shenzhen if you must, but Wen Jiabao simply does not buy this. You close your doors, I will investigate my cases."

On the afternoon of the 11th, news reached Fengzeyuan that the Wang daughter, her mother, and her ex-husband had all been taken away. For the first five days, the CCDI did not arrest the daughter, waiting to see who she would contact and who she would call. They even recorded all the things the boss's wife had taught her to say. She had hoped to extract her, but instead, she provided an extra confession. At this point, the boss's wife was completely out of options. When Ma Xingrui went in, there was still room to cut ties, but this time it was people in her own house—how could she cut ties? Old Xi did not dare to stay locked in the house anymore; if he didn't appear, the elders would just say he was sick, and someone else would be sent to Shenzhen instead. On the 12th, he went to the Great Hall of the People to attend the 160th anniversary of Sun Yat-sen's birth. He finished reading from the script and didn't say a single extra word. On the night of the 12th, he had He Lifeng pass a message out: "Regarding Wang Zhonglin, wait until I return from Shenzhen to announce it." He Lifeng only brought back half a sentence: "The meeting in Shenzhen will proceed as usual." Old Xi took this half-sentence as an agreement. On the morning of the 13th, arranged by Foreign Minister Wang Yi, the press release for old Xi's trip to Shenzhen next week was sent all over the world. He did not attend the national symposium on party building in state-owned enterprises in the afternoon, only sending an instruction and letting Cai Qi speak, while he waited at home for a reply.

As a result, at 6:00 PM, Wang Zhonglin was still posted on the CCDI website. A few minutes later, CCP media revealed that he had actually been taken away on November 6. This sentence was meant for the whole party to hear: the person had been in the hands of the CCDI for seven days, and old Xi had failed to save him. The 7:00 PM news broadcast lasted ten minutes before it reached the segment about old Xi going to Shenzhen. The boss's wife listened from beginning to end and did not hear her own name in the APEC segment. In the morning, old Xi had just handed over his Shenzhen card, and by evening, the boss's wife's confidant was posted online. What they got in return was nothing more than the fact that the couple had not yet entered Qincheng Prison. Everyone outside is saying that if the boss's wife doesn't go in this time, she should consider herself lucky. After seven days of closed-door negotiations, they got nothing; not a single person around his wife was protected, the people were arrested, the house was raided, and the account books were taken away.

What is Wang Zhonglin's background anyway, that it was worth Wen Jiabao holding onto him for a full seven days, and who handed over the first knife? You might not believe it when I say it, but this knife was actually handed over by Xi's own Fujian faction. On May 29 this year, the Politburo held a closed-door meeting, and the next day Xinhua News Agency released a single sentence: Wang Zhonglin will no longer serve as the Party Secretary of Hubei Province, and will be assigned to another post. Just those four characters—assigned to another post—caused an uproar among Xi's surrounding Fujian faction on the spot. Why were they so panicked? Wang Zhonglin served as a police officer in Zaozhuang, Shandong for many years in his early years, and is an experienced veteran of public security. Wen Jiabao transferring him to Beijing was intended to have him succeed Wang Xiaohong as the Minister of Public Security, replacing this last knife in Xi's hands. Wen Jiabao had another calculation in selecting him: Wang Zhonglin was originally promoted by Li Keqiang in his early days, and later connected with the Madame's circle through Shandong fellow-townsman connections, making him influential on both sides. Replacing Wang Xiaohong with him would make it difficult for Xi to openly turn hostile, but Wang Xiaohong is the lifeline of the Fujian faction. Once the personnel at the Ministry of Public Security changes, the Fujian faction in Beijing will become fish on a cutting board.

Hu Jintao had a rule: cadres tainted by corruption are never employed no matter how capable they are. The Fujian faction seized upon this very rule. Before Wang Zhonglin even entered Beijing, stacks of real-name whistleblowing letters were shoved into the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), all accusing him of engaging in power-for-money transactions in Hubei. This move really worked at the time. On June 26, Wang Zhonglin's bid for Minister of Public Security went up in smoke, and the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress gave him only the idle position of Vice Chairman of the Environment and Resources Protection Committee, putting him on ice while the CCDI investigated the accounts in the whistleblowing letters. The Fujian faction felt quite pleased with themselves at that moment, as a single whistleblowing letter blocked Wang Zhonglin and protected Wang Xiaohong. However, once a whistleblowing letter is handed in, deciding at which level of the investigation to call it a halt is no longer up to the Fujian faction to dictate. The person who took over the investigation was Liu Jianguo. The whistleblowing letters accused Hubei's engineering projects, so he followed the construction sites in Hubei downward to investigate. Upon this investigation, it was found that after Wang Zhonglin went to Hubei, all the most lucrative engineering projects were monopolized by construction companies from Shandong. Who in official circles doesn't know that Shandong is the Madame's hometown? Anyone who could make a construction company big in Shandong and then cross the river to poach food can be guessed with eyes closed regarding whose faction stands behind them.

When Wang Zhonglin was serving as the mayor of Jinan, before his chair was even warm, he was promoted a little over a year later to member of the Provincial Party Standing Committee and Jinan Municipal Party Secretary, getting chummy with these urban-construction bosses from Shandong. As soon as he was transferred to Hubei as the top leader, these bosses immediately followed him across the Yangtze River. But how to funnel the money earned from Hubei's construction sites into the Madame's circle required someone on the inside to pull strings, and rumor has it that this person was Wang Zhonglin's own daughter. It was during those two years in Jinan that she found her way into the Madame's inner circle through Shandong fellow-townsman connections. The Madame enlisted in the army at age 18 and spent her entire life in the military; what she values most are fellow provincials from Shandong. When the top leader of her home province's capital sent his own daughter to serve her, she accepted this favor. The Madame holds no formal post in the party or government and outwardly cannot be assigned a secretarial team, so her private office has never displayed a sign on the door. Yet anyone on the outside who wants to meet the Madame, whose note can be delivered to her desk, or which boss from her home province of Shandong is begging for a favor, all must first pass through this office director's hands. The daughter served within the Red Walls every day; her name could not be signed on contracts, but the white glove who stepped forward to run the company and receive engineering payments was none other than Wang Zhonglin's then-son-in-law. Although the couple later divorced, the company's foundation and bank transaction flows were not cleared away at all. Why were even the divorced former son-in-law taken away together on November 11? It was precisely because of these old accounts.

Just listen again to the high-sounding rhetoric Wang Zhonglin chanted while on stage. On February 5, 2024, he represented Hubei at the State Council's anti-corruption work meeting, and back in the province, he shouted calls to closely monitor public engineering project governance and bidding. On April 8 this year, with just over a month left before leaving office, he still shouted at a provincial-wide meeting that they must have the courage to turn the blade inward. While shouting outwardly about closely monitoring public engineering projects, Hubei's major projects were parceled out in batches to Shandong fellow provincials; while shouting on stage about turning the blade inward, in the blink of an eye this blade truly stabbed into his own household. How did the CCDI nail down these accounts? Two key subordinates promoted single-handedly by Wang Zhonglin in Hubei fell into trouble back-to-back. One is Fu Minggui, former chairman of Hubei Port Group, who rumor has it has already been arrested. When Wang Zhonglin was parachuted in as Wuhan Municipal Party Secretary in 2020, Fu Minggui took over as chairman of Wuhan Urban Construction Group that very year, managing 350 billion assets in his hands, with all major engineering projects for building towers and repairing roads in Wuhan falling under his jurisdiction to subcontract. Another is Ma Zejiang, former party secretary of Suizhou, who rumor has it was also implicated. During the two years Wang Zhonglin governed Wuhan, Ma Zejiang concurrently served as the director of the Yangtze River New Town Management Committee; how the land for Wuhan's largest new town was approved and to whom projects were awarded depended entirely on his nod. On October 25 this year, he stepped down from Suizhou, and there has been no news since.

One approves the land, another handles the contracting, with Wang Zhonglin sitting at the very top. As soon as these two enter the interrogation room of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), the investigators spread the contracts from those years on the table: who pulled strings to approve this land for the Shandong company, and who sent the note to ensure it won the bid. Once the testimonies from both sides match, pointing to the same Shandong enterprise and the same person who pulled the strings, the chain is locked instantly. Once inside that place, who dares to hold out for their superiors? It is rumored that a broker in Wuxi, Jiangsu, returned the money and turned himself in, yet was still sentenced to eleven years. With heavy sentences staring them in the face, everyone who goes in rushes to confess. Liu Jinguo dug all the way down following the tip-off letter sent by the Fujian Gang; behind the construction site in Hubei was a Shandong contractor, and behind that was Wang's daughter. Pushing open the door behind her leads straight to the First Lady's private office. The knife that the Fujian Gang personally handed over turned for five months before stabbing into the office of Xi Jinping's own wife. If those around his wife cannot be protected, Xi Jinping will have a difficult winter.

By all logic, with the battle fought to this point, it should be time to stop. At the Fifth Plenary Session, Xi had already conceded, planning to deal with future matters slowly after the 21st National Congress, but this time, that is not the case. On October 29, the Fifth Plenary Session concluded, and Wang Zhonglin was still seen sitting in the venue on the news broadcast; eight days later, he was in the CCDI. Wen Jiabao is eighty-four years old; what is he in such a hurry for? He is not worried about Xi; he must control the Chinese military. On October 27, the old military leaders laid their conditions on the table: if Hu Chunhua wants to be Chairman of the Central Military Commission, he must first rehabilitate Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli. If not, they requested Hu Jintao to act for two years. It sounds stable, but it hides a landmine. The old military leaders only recognize Hu Jintao, but on the ballot at Huai Ren Tang on November 6, Hu Jintao had someone else cast his vote. The guns of the entire military are currently pinned on this old man's health. If he collapses one day, who will the old military leaders recognize? They do not trust Hu Chunhua, and at that point, a bunch of people will scramble for power. Therefore, Wen Jiabao must transfer the old military leaders' trust in Hu Jintao to Hu Chunhua while Hu Jintao is still able to hold the line.

What the old military leaders want is rehabilitation, but once the word "rehabilitation" is put on paper, it must specify who gave the order in January, which would implicate Xi Jinping himself. What Zeng Qinghong fought desperately to protect at the Fifth Plenary Session was precisely this point: the account is to be settled on the Fujian Gang, not involving Xi Jinping and his wife. For now, no one can grant rehabilitation. However, the old military leaders also left a remark: generals are being taken down one by one, and the reports are all about corruption, but what about you civil officials? Over these years, whether generals were promoted or transferred to Beijing, the orders were all issued from the First Lady's private office. The person in charge in that room was Wang Zhonglin's daughter, and the generals hate that room. Since rehabilitation cannot be granted, Wen Jiabao is using the heads of those in that room as compensation. On the night of November 5, Ma Xingrui was just indicted, and Liu Yuan brought the old military leaders to Wen Jiabao. Out of 281 military deputies to the National People's Congress, only 229 remain. How many of the current Central Committee members have you civil officials handled? How many people from the First Lady's room have you touched? Wen Jiabao brought out Wang Zhonglin. The CCDI had been investigating him for over four months, and the accounts were already settled. The next day, Wang Zhonglin was taken away.

Wen Jiabao is using anti-corruption to purge people in the First Lady's private office, and Zeng Qinghong has nothing to say, because Xi Jinping's party-building ideology is anti-corruption. Most importantly, Wang Zhonglin was someone Wen Jiabao himself selected in May to take over the Ministry of Public Security. Only when he is willing to strike at his own people will the old military leaders believe he is serious. Wen Jiabao originally had no connection with the August First Building; this credibility was earned blow by blow. The harder he strikes, the more satisfied the old military leaders are, and the closer Hu Chunhua gets to the chair of the Central Military Commission Chairman. With the two strikes against Wang Ning and Wang Zhonglin, the old military leaders have vented half of their anger. The other half is reserved for the incident involving Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli this January, which was carried out by Wang Xiaohong's subordinates. Wang Zhonglin was originally supposed to replace Wang Xiaohong when he came to Beijing. Now, the prepared substitute has gone in, but Wang Xiaohong is still sitting in the seat of Minister of Public Security. Can Wen Jiabao deliver this final pledge of loyalty? Where has Wang Xiaohong been these past few days? We tracked him in the last issue; on the 7th and 8th, he plunged into Xishuangbanna and Kunming in Yunnan, and has not been seen in the news since. APEC will be held in Shenzhen next week. Why would the dignified Minister of Public Security not go to Guangdong to oversee the situation, but instead run to the China-Myanmar border at this critical moment? What is he doing there?

Just outside Xishuangbanna are Myanmar and Laos. For how many years have the telecom scam compounds over there been operating, and why can they never be completely wiped out? The ultimate mastermind behind them is Wang Xiaohong. Wherever there are compounds, there are overseas armed forces doing the dirty work specifically for Xi Jinping's faction. In January, when Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli met their downfall, it was this very force that struck. Beijing arrested Wang Zhonglin, and the next one in line is Wang Xiaohong himself. Running off to the border at a time like this, he is going there to clean up the mess. Those who handled the operations are silenced or sent away, and the remaining guns are gathered up in their hands. But Wang Xiaohong has long been sidelined; Liu Jinguo's men follow him around day and night, and for him to leave Beijing, someone has to give the nod. Why did Wen Jiabao let him go? First, with him out of Beijing, when Wang Zhonglin's properties in four cities were raided simultaneously, there was no need to fear anyone leaking word along the police line. Second and more importantly, wherever he goes to clean up, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection logs it. Who he met, which compound moved overnight—all of these are threads to follow. Those five days spent tailing Wang's daughter beforehand followed this exact playbook. Besides, Yunnan's political landscape had already changed; on October 24, the provincial party secretary was replaced by Hu Chunhua's man, Mo Gaoyi, and the provincial discipline inspection secretary was also replaced this year. Wang Xiaohong is cleaning up a mess in someone else's courtyard.

Then why not simply take Wang Xiaohong down? He cannot be easily touched. He holds deputy national-level status and four hats: member of the CPC Central Secretariat, deputy secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, state councilor, and Minister of Public Security. While someone at Wang Zhonglin's level can be hauled away by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection on a whim, a deputy national-level official can only be asked to assist with an investigation, not locked up for interrogation; taking him down requires going through the Politburo's procedures. Liu Jinguo has been interviewing him since April, but as a seasoned and slippery police veteran, he has maintained a zero-confession stance. Wen Jiabao does not expect him to talk. Gao Qi is investigating his criminal syndicates in Southeast Asia, his deputy Zhu Changjie went in first, and Liu Guozhou—whom he dispatched to Guangdong to manage public security—has also been called in to assist with the investigation. This trip to Yunnan is yet another exercise of logging wherever he cleans up. Once the evidence is fully gathered, a zero-confession case will still be submitted to the Politburo. Nailing down that account from January as an ironclad case is the ultimate pledge of allegiance; once submitted, the old military generals will no longer have any reason to block Hu Chunhua. In this battle fought to the bitter end, it all comes down to who can outlast the other.