Repost: Anti-Communist organization’s operation and development (full text)

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Congratulations, you have finally taken a solid step: you have formally completed the legal procedures for establishing the organization. Next, you need to carefully plan how to operate and develop.

Organizational operation involves countless details; you must focus on three main threads: fundraising, member development, and conducting actions.

Which of these three is most important? Of course it is conducting actions, because that is the lifeblood of the organization. The biggest current problem is that the organization has no actions!

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Conducting actions is the lifeblood of the organization; an organization without actions shows no signs of life. But what counts as organizational action? It depends on the organization’s goals and program. It is not, as many think, taking a gun to San Francisco to assassinate Xi Jinping that counts as action.

If you are a military organization, military strikes are naturally actions. But if you are a technical organization, technical development is the action.

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An action is any behavior that directly impacts the organization’s goals, even if it is trivial. The action’s target must match the organization’s size. Scale down grand goals until they are low enough for the organization to reach.

For example, if the organization has only three people, you can plan to do something that would normally require five to ten people, but never attempt something that requires a hundred people. Growing from three to five‑to‑ten members may be achievable in the short term.

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Above we discussed personnel as a feasibility parameter. There are two more parameters: equipment requirements and action steps. Together these three form what we often refer to in projects as people, process, and technology.

Equipment requirements should not be far above the current situation. The process must be iteratively refined and clarified.

After the action plan is completed, conduct a gap analysis of the organization’s shortcomings.

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For example, the action goal is to snipe a domestic bandit leader. First you need a sniper (people); does the organization have one? You also need a sniper rifle (technology); does the organization have one? Even if both exist, how will you get them into the interior (process)?

Beyond feasibility, you must consider the outcome of the action. For instance, what result do you want from a San Francisco protest—scare Xi Jinping or boost anti‑Fanzei.net morale?

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There is no right or wrong definition of an action outcome, only whether it is clear.

For example, if you join a San Francisco protest to leave a few photos for your grandchildren to see how cool their grandfather was, that outcome definition tells you exactly what to do to achieve it. You’ll need someone to take the photos in a heroic style.

As an organization, you also need to consider what the action outcome means for organizational development.

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If the outcome of the San Francisco action is to boost anti‑Fanzei.net morale, it may have some effect, but is it useful for organizational growth?

How many new members join because they saw this action?

If the outcome is publicity for the organization, you need a polished, orderly appearance like the New China Federation.

Once you have clarified all of the above, you will know what kind of members to develop and how much money to raise.

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Member development and fundraising must be based on a concrete action plan; vague calls for donations and recruitment inevitably cause confusion.

Define the first action’s target, feasibility, outcome significance, and measurement criteria clearly before you develop members and raise funds. With these in place, it becomes easier to communicate your plan to others.

When people hear your plan, some will support it and some will not—that is normal.

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Some people start an organization by gathering a crowd, holding endless meetings, debates, and fights. An organization without action is a walking zombie. The more you spin your wheels, the more passersby will steer clear.

Member development must revolve around a concrete action plan, just like a company hiring employees—not for show.

There must be a mutual selection process between the organization and its members; you cannot indiscriminately pull anyone in.

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Hiring a suitable employee for a company typically takes about 90 days and $6,000. For a nonprofit, the time and cost may be higher. Expenses are both explicit and implicit; your time is an implicit cost.

The first few members become the organization’s founders. The organizational culture is set by these individuals and is hard to change once established. If you start carelessly, the organization may be ruined by these few.

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Your first planned action must be based on your own knowledge and experience.

If it is a political organization, you need some experience in reaching and mobilizing the masses. If it is a military organization, you need knowledge of military theory and weapons. Without knowledge or experience, the likelihood of your action plan failing is high.

As the leader of this action, you should be hands‑on.

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If you have a thorough plan and are willing to lead the execution yourself, finding people to cooperate becomes much easier.

At first, don’t immediately ask people to join your organization; just cooperate on the specific action.

The process of the action will provide ample opportunity for mutual understanding and trust building. After the action ends, you’ll both know whether those who cooperated should formally join the organization.

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During the action, if you discover a member with strong leadership ability, you can bring them into the organization’s leadership. Future actions can then be planned and led by them.

If you lack the ability to lead the first action yourself, outsourcing is the best option. Like a business, outsourcing requires funding. As long as you have enough money, you can find someone to do anything! Of course, you must raise the funds first.

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Returning to the three main threads of organizational operation: conducting actions, developing members, and fundraising.

At the start, you must handle all three personally. Delegating any of these to someone you don’t know well greatly increases the risk of them dropping the ball, leading to the failure of the entire action.

A person’s capability does not always correlate with language ability. Many smooth‑talkers become confused when it comes to actual work.

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That is why those who can create an organization and successfully carry out the first action are exceptional.

Since the people you recruit for your first action are not yet members, the action cannot be secret. I suggest holding your first event publicly overseas to aim for an early victory.

For example, if it is a military organization, you could hold a military‑themed lecture in the United States.

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The lecture should be linked to future military objectives. Topics like “asymmetric warfare against authoritarian regimes” or “guerrilla warfare in dictatorial states” work well. You don’t even need to mention “anti‑communist.”

These lectures achieve two goals: first, building a military social network; second, conducting preliminary discussions on strategy and tactics for armed resistance behind enemy lines.

You can invite retired special‑operations soldiers or former officers to speak.

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Through such events, you will meet Chinese and other ethnic military talent, creating a human‑resource pool for future genuine military actions. Many people have technical skills, experience, courage, and initiative. The Russia‑Ukraine battlefield already has international volunteer brigades.

Once such an event succeeds, it can become regular, gradually expanding across the United States and globally. In this process, your organization’s membership will naturally grow.

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Organizers can use this example as a template. As long as you keep the focus on action, you will find that conducting actions is not as unattainable as imagined. Your organizational operation will become both systematic and effective.

When you have more and more action plans, you will need to consider delegating authority. In the three areas of conducting actions, developing members, and fundraising, cultivate and appoint leaders.

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An organization has three major parts: decision‑making (Board), execution, and supervision.

Except for special entities like foundations, most small organizations lack a separate supervision department; instead, the decision‑making body oversees the execution side.

Initially, the leaders you develop should be placed in the execution side, not the decision‑making side. Expanding the Board hastily can lead to meetings with people but no actions.

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The Board’s function is to decide, not to execute. However, Board members can also hold positions in the execution side.

The Board handles major decisions: organizational direction, program, major strategy formulation and adjustment, large‑scale financial and human‑resource integration, mergers and acquisitions, strategic partnerships, and so on.

Does the execution side have decision‑making power? Of course it does!

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Members of the small organization's decision-making department should all be executors.

Many major decisions are discovered as problems or improvement opportunities during execution, and are further corrected. Decision-makers who do not participate in execution have a high chance of making mistakes.

All executors must follow the commands of the president or chief executive officer. The president assigns tasks to executives.

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You say it sounds more and more like a company! Where are the promised democracy, separation of powers, popular referendum, nation-building, federation?

You finally get it! The organization operates like a company because that has been proven most effective and is required by law.

The organization must achieve the greatest results with the least human and material resources through concrete actions.

The organization is not for playing democratic games!

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Cooperating with brother organizations is an important aspect of organizational operation. This includes:

1. Other organization leaders cooperate with your actions;
2. You lead or cooperate with other organizations' actions.

Cooperation between organizations is an effective means to increase the scale of actions and improve success rates. Cooperating with a larger organization is equivalent to obtaining its endorsement, quickly raising visibility and credibility, which is beneficial for development.

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Cooperating with smaller organizations gives you a chance to get to know them and lays the foundation for possible future mergers.

Successfully leading actions in cooperation with small organizations will increase your influence and appeal to them. Working with small organizations also gives you the opportunity to break out of rigid thinking frameworks, enhancing the organization's vitality and creativity.

Therefore, when a small organization seeks cooperation, never underestimate them.

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Four pillars of anti-CCP: politics, military, culture, technology.

Three battlefields: leveraging force, cognitive warfare, close combat.

Three routes: proletariat, middle class, elite.

The anti-CCP movement is grand; no single force can achieve it alone. Any organization that can play a role at any of the 36 nodes within these three-dimensional spaces is already remarkable.

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Some organizers may think: after reading for a while I want to hear you talk about fundraising.

Non‑profit fundraising methods can be discussed for three years each day. The topic is too large to fit in this series; we will open a dedicated series later.

I am not in a hurry to discuss it because I hope organizers can overcome a common mistake: putting fundraising before the action plan, reversing priorities.

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The correct steps are as follows:

1. Develop an action plan;
2. Use the plan to raise funds;
3. Find personnel lacking for the organization’s actions;
4. Adjust the plan according to the status of funds and personnel preparation;
5. Lease or purchase insufficient facilities, equipment, gear, etc., within the organization;
6. Implement the action;
7. Evaluate results and summarize lessons learned.

Repeat this cycle to grow through action.

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The budget needed for an action generally adds a contingency to your cost estimate. Depending on the risk level, this value can range from 10‑25% or even higher.

The amount you raise should also include a management fee on top of the budget, which can be as high as 95%. After the action ends, any surplus contributes to the organization’s reserve fund.

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For long‑term stable development, an organization must have full‑time staff; volunteers can only play a supporting role. An organization relying solely on volunteers cannot succeed.

Full‑time staff must of course be paid, i.e., they are employees of the organization. If you work full‑time yourself, you also take a salary and are an employee. You cannot sustain a revolution by drinking the north‑west wind!

Employees’ salaries, benefits, management costs, and extra expenses are normal organizational expenditures.

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These are the four major regular expenses in the accounting system: labor, fringe benefits, general administration, and overhead.

In a well‑run organization, these four expenses should be clear. When deciding an action budget, a proportion of regular expenses must be added to the estimate of direct action costs.

If you are confused, it is time to find a licensed accountant.

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These combined expenses are normal if they amount to 40‑150% of direct action costs. If direct costs are 10,000 yuan, adding 4,000 to 15,000 yuan in regular expenses is not excessive.

As long as the accounts are clear, the organization’s operation is transparent!

Some people do not understand this and may babble after seeing it. You can ignore them; they cannot affect your organization’s operation.

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Any anti‑CCP force must obtain international support to have a chance of overthrowing the CCP. It is no longer the era of Liu Bang or Li Zicheng; we cannot use that era’s thinking to guide anti‑CCP efforts.

Both the notion that only foreign forces can overthrow the CCP and that only domestic forces can do so are biased; this binary thinking is what the CCP hopes rebels will have.

Combining domestic and international forces is the key to victory.

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An effectively operating anti‑CCP organization should have two parts: one abroad and one at home. The abroad part should develop toward the home side, and the home part should develop toward abroad.

Anti‑CCP organizations are “illegal” within CCP‑ruled territory, so secret operation is a survival necessity. Therefore, the abroad part must be open and legal, providing a foundation for survival that the CCP can never destroy.

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Both overseas organizations expanding inland and inland organizations expanding abroad face difficulties. The best approach is to implement docking on both sides.

As economic and political conditions become increasingly severe, inland anti‑CCP organizations will inevitably multiply. Overseas groups should prepare standard operating procedures (SOP); once an inland organization reaches out, seize the opportunity and connect promptly.

We can no longer be as helpless as when dealing with Peng Zaizhou.

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The secrecy of inland anti‑CCP groups means life or death. An inland organization should ideally dock with only one overseas organization to reduce the risk of leaks.

Overseas organizations are open and legal; confidentiality agreements have legal effect, and breaches are subject to severe legal penalties. This protection allows one overseas organization to dock with multiple completely independent inland groups.

Thus, the relationship between overseas and inland organizations should be one‑to‑many.

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Overseas groups are rooted in ideology, while inland groups are rooted in livelihood. Their combination brings both high‑brow ideological pursuit and grounded concern for people’s lives.

Each overseas organization represents a distinct ideology; about 1,000 should cover all ideas. Inland, there are roughly 180,000 group incidents annually, each backed by an organization.

As the political and economic situation continues to deteriorate, the number of inland organizations will rise sharply.

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Inland groups focused on livelihood have strong local characteristics. Once combined with overseas groups, cross‑regional linkage can be achieved through the overseas organization, ensuring complete independence of each regional group.

Through overseas linkage, a nationwide large‑scale protest can be launched for the same livelihood demand, and especially significant livelihood issues can gain international attention.

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With 180,000 protests each year, most end without effect, leading to later reckoning.

The CCP is soft‑on‑the‑weak and afraid of the strong; to confront it, you must make the issue big enough for the whole country and the world to know. It should be as prominent as the Huang family ancestral hall incident or the Wukan village case. At the very least, it should attract a million views like the Liang Liangli Jun case.

Those leading protests understand this, but most lack the capacity to organize large‑scale demonstrations.

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Turning small regional protests into nationwide actions is a role overseas organizations can play.

You do not need to call for protest; protest actions exist everywhere. You do not need to organize crowds; victims are everywhere.

You only need to coordinate the timing of protests across regions and use overseas platforms to disseminate the events nationwide and globally.

With minimal effort you can have a huge impact!

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Currently there are many livelihood issues that can form nationwide protest actions:

• Wage arrears for migrant workers
• Youth employment
• Elderly pension
• Unfinished building loan issues
• Bank account freezes
• Arbitrary fines on individual businesses

Those who organize protests are themselves victims, and they are

The miserable common people. They cannot spend a lot of time and money traveling around.

Overseas organization coordination is very attractive to them.

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Overseas coordination only needs to ensure that protests in various places occur on the same day. If Guangdong prepares for January 15 and Henan for January 30, just ask Guangdong to wait two weeks.

Overseas organizations can also do the following two things:

1. Define simple and clear demands;
2. Help produce banners, headscarves, flags, slogans, etc. with the demands printed.

When the demands are clear, no one needs to lead negotiations, reducing the risk of post‑event reprisals.

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Clear demands require no negotiation; if the demands are met, protests stop, if not, they continue. No representatives negotiate, the CCP cannot shoot the bird that sticks its head out, and there is no post‑event reckoning. Overseas organizations take all responsibility, leaving the CCP helpless.

The most powerful plans are open strategies. The day of protest and the demands can be told to the CCP in advance. As long as the locations are not disclosed, they cannot defend themselves.

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Every time a protest occurs in China, Lao Deng says he personally deployed and commanded it. After hearing it so often, people treat it as entertainment and no longer take it seriously.

If an organization truly carries out a solid operation, it would shock the world. I guarantee that sponsors would come knocking.

Each overseas organization should establish a special action group for domestic (within‑China) affairs, dedicated to studying integration with domestic groups.

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At first the domestic special action group will be confused. But if they calm down and dissect the problem, a pattern will emerge.

First set a goal, then repeatedly use this formula:

1. What difficulty is the greatest?
2. How to overcome it?

Often we do not know where to start because we are unwilling to face the toughest issue directly. When we are willing to face it, solving it is usually easier than imagined.

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There are 180,000 mass incidents each year. With the sharp deterioration of the economy, it can be expected that 500,000‑1,000,000 incidents will occur annually.

For each isolated action, the CCP either arrests you or lets you slip by. To achieve any goal, nationwide coordination is required.

But what is the biggest problem in coordinating nationwide? Knowing who is planning the next protest.

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You do not need to know the protest preparations everywhere in the country; you only need to know one place.

For example, to learn about the struggle of victims of unfinished buildings, you can ask organization members casually when chatting with domestic friends whether there are any victims around them. In this way, information about who is ready to protest can be found unintentionally.

During your investigation, you may easily discover several locations.

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If you only know one location’s activity, consider how you can help them, such as sharing the experience of Shenzhen’s unfinished building payment cuts or publishing information overseas.

If you know two or more locations, you can coordinate the timing of their actions.

By participating, you become part of them, and they become part of you. No grand theory is needed, no sensational deeds required.

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You become part of them, and they naturally become part of you. Like a tree’s roots embedded in soil, becoming part of the soil, which then begins to feed the tree.

You do not need to mention anti‑CCP or talk about democracy; your organization’s influence subtly manifests through solving livelihood issues.

Thus you build a mass base for future actions.

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The most active protesters are the middle class.

The proletariat has little to fight for and simply lies flat. The elite are busy securing the last vote and moving assets abroad. Only the middle class, unwilling to give up what they have yet unable to emigrate, sees protest as the only path.

Infiltrating the middle class offers a great advantage for revolution: they are connected both to the proletariat and to the elite.

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The basic base for armed revolution lies in the proletariat. Recruiting soldiers targets this class.

About $500 a month should be enough to recruit a revolutionary soldier. $6 million a year can build a thousand‑person reserve army. Including weapons, training, equipment, etc., roughly $10 million per year is needed.

The thousand‑person reserve army would be dispersed across the country, capable of launching hundreds of 3‑5‑person military actions each year.

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A thousand‑person armed force does not rely on a single organization.

If there are 20 organizations, each with 50 people, that makes 1,000. A 50‑person military unit needs only $500,000 a year; this target is achievable.

Launching hundreds of precisely planned military actions each year would shake the CCP regime. These actions would encourage the middle class to take to the streets and the elite to attempt coups.

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There are 600 million people in the country earning less than 1,000 yuan per month, with at least 100 million in extreme poverty. As the economy rapidly declines, this base will grow.

A monthly salary of $500 (≈3,500 yuan) is attractive to many. Therefore, the country not only lacks a shortage of recruits but also has plenty of candidates for strict selection.

Historically, many military geniuses have emerged from poverty; when fortunes are low, military service becomes the only way out.

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Revolutionary troops operate in groups of 3‑5, capable of cross‑regional strikes.

Each strike is meticulously planned to achieve zero casualties. An individual participates in at most one action per year. After the action, they withdraw immediately, return to their residence, and lie low to preserve strength.

Each organization sets its own targets, aiming to undermine confidence within the CCP system, destabilize the red‑terror apparatus, and inspire the populace to resist.

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Twenty military organizations officially registered overseas can each form a 50‑person revolutionary unit. Each can act independently or coordinate to form special forces.

If the leaders of these (or more) organizations can successfully plan and execute precise military operations and emerge unscathed, their capability would be sufficient to command thousands of troops on a conventional battlefield.

They would become founding heroes of a free China!

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The overseas side of military organizations mainly handles fundraising, training seed instructors, intelligence gathering, strategy and tactics formulation, equipment purchase and transport, command and coordination of strikes, propaganda of results, and after‑action lessons.

For a domestic organization of 50 military personnel, its overseas supporters number roughly 3‑10 times as many. Yes, modern warfare logistics personnel far outnumber combat troops.

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Before the provisional government of a free China is established, military organizations are independent. After the provisional government is formed, military groups are regulated by the military committee within the provisional parliament.

Military organizations are not subject to any party control, thus laying the foundation for future nationalized armed forces.

After a free China is realized, military leaders can run for president or other government positions as private citizens.

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Once a military organization becomes part of the provisional government, it can receive state funding to expand, while still remaining small and elite, preparing to take over the CCP regime.

Details on taking over the CCP regime are outlined in my "Free China Provisional Government Concept" series.

So far we have discussed the role of political organizations in coordinating large‑scale protests and the role of military organizations in precise strikes.

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The military base lies in the proletariat, the political base lies in the middle class.

The middle class is the current main protest force and the easiest to engage. Through the middle class one can reach both the proletariat and the elite.

When military and protest actions shock the system, anti‑CCP groups can infiltrate and subvert CCP officers and officials.

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Infiltration and subversion involve elite layers within the system; each organization needs to absorb some personnel familiar with CCP military and governmental structures.

Besides military and political groups, anti‑CCP organizations also have cultural and technical groups. Below we will introduce how these two types of groups conduct domestic and overseas actions.

A free Chinese democratic revolution must be built on a strong cultural foundation.

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The middle class fights for private property rights, the proletariat fights for survival rights, and the elite care about freedom rights.

Free thought is the most lacking aspect of Chinese culture, followed by awareness of private property. Therefore, throughout history, regime changes have first been driven by displaced peoples fighting for survival.

Rebuilding awareness of freedom rights, private property rights, and survival rights.

Cultural organizations are needed to promote. Elevate anti-communism from short-term interests to a life pursuit!

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Saying “elevate” is actually the opposite; it should be said “return to simplicity”.

The right to live, the right to freedom, and the right to private property are not lofty principles but innate rights, the essential distinction between humans and animals. Giving up freedom for a meal is no different from a pig in a sty!

The CCP has long brainwashed people, treating the enjoyment of survival, freedom, and private property—these basic human rights—as a luxury that must be bestowed by it.

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The CCP strips away everything that originally belongs to you, then forces you to choose between two options: survival or freedom. Over time, people come to accept this unreasonable coercive choice as natural.

In his pamphlet “Common Sense”, American Paine said: when people become accustomed to a wrongdoing and no longer see it as wrong, they begin to think it is right.

Chinese serfs made the same common‑sense mistake!

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Whenever culture is discussed, someone inevitably quotes classics, as if culture consists only of things ordinary people do not understand and keep on a high shelf. Real, living culture permeates the everyday details of ordinary people’s lives.

We say the CCP has destroyed Chinese culture because it replaces common sense with erroneous ideas, causing people to treat abnormal as normal in daily life.

Research and development of culture must start from common sense.

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Below are several examples of mistaking false ideas for common sense:

When faced with a full stomach or freedom, which would you choose? If the CCP is gone, who can replace it? Is one‑person‑one‑vote democracy the best?

Almost everyone, including senior intellectuals, upon hearing these questions immediately rush to answer, debate, and argue. Yet almost no one asks, why do I need to answer these questions?

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These questions are themselves wrong, like asking “do you want the left eye or the right eye?”. Both a full stomach and freedom are basic human rights and should not be chosen one over the other.

Answering a wrong question legitimizes the question. It is like someone forcing you to pick the left eye; if you pick the left eye, removing your right eye then becomes justified.

In a normal society, these are common sense.

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Cultural organizations should write a Chinese “Common Sense” book to correct the distorted cognition caused by the CCP.

Cultural organizations should also organize traditional Chinese culture, discard elements that conflict with modern civilization, and reinterpret the cultural essence in modern, popular language. The focus should be on cultural factors that have direct impact on modern society, not on dusty antiques.

This is a massive project that has been overdue for far too long!

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This project requires global intellectuals to cooperate, organize, develop, write, and publish. Through overseas and domestic groups, using various popular formats, Chinese modern culture can be spread, fully sorting out and eliminating CCP toxins.

Survival, private property, and freedom are inviolable rights of every individual! We must change the current situation where the proletariat only cares about survival, the middle class only cares about private property, and the elite only pursues freedom.

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Cultural organizations can launch a “Why?” movement, questioning those errors that everyone takes for granted.

Regarding the CCP’s ubiquitous deprivation of freedom, human rights, and equality, and the pervasive privileges within the CCP system, one can easily raise “one hundred thousand whys”.

Putting forward these “whys” sounds the horn of a total offensive against CCP ideology. It surpasses an army of thousands!

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What truly makes the CCP strong is not its army but its propaganda machine, which brainwashes the populace 24/7, all‑around, without blind spots, without interruption.

When cultural organizations sound the horn of a cognitive war, they are shaking the CCP’s foundation and will inevitably face the CCP’s frantic encirclement.

Precisely because of this, it will create opportunities for political, military, and technological groups to act. Cultural organizations have broad fundraising channels overseas.

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In the past, wars were fought with lives and weapons. In the future, wars will be fought with money and technology.

Technology will play a crucial role in the anti‑communist movement. It is not only an important weapon for political, military, and cultural groups, but it also inherently possesses the power to directly destroy the CCP.

Tech groups are one of the four main types of anti‑communist organizations. Overseas anti‑rebels have the strongest knowledge and experience in the tech field among the four.

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Several anti‑communist groups have made preliminary attempts in the tech field, such as providing circumvention software, dismantling firewalls, USB‑drive actions, etc. However, there is still no high‑end tech organization specifically established for anti‑communism.

Many tech areas have not been addressed, for example:

1. Global Chinese referendum and polling platforms;
2. Intelligence gathering and precise location;
3. Disrupting ubiquitous information surveillance;
4. Effective use of drones.

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It is self‑evident that technology developed for anti‑communism has extremely high commercial value. Anti‑communist tech groups can be for‑profit or non‑profit. Non‑profit groups must operate using for‑profit methods.

Tech groups need tech talent among their domestic members, most of whom are middle‑class white‑collar workers. Because they have long been able to circumvent the Great Firewall and obtain accurate information, the proportion of those awakened and determined to oppose the CCP is relatively higher than in other groups.

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Currently, anti‑communist activity online is mainly offensive, such as exposing truth and propagating anti‑communism. These actions are easily detected and disrupted by the CCP.

Equally valuable is passive intelligence gathering, such as collecting CCP online trolls, phishing “Jing Ge”, and other information that supports actions.

With this information, effective precise strikes and zero‑casualty operation plans can be formulated.

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Many social‑media accounts belong to the same troll army. Algorithms and software can be developed to collect and analyze these accounts’ posts. They are not only useful for exposing the CCP but can also be sold to social platforms.

Another area is researching the CCP’s ubiquitous cameras, finding system weaknesses. If one can incapacitate the cameras of a residential area for 30 minutes, it will greatly aid anti‑communist actions.

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Drones are another important field, especially micro‑drones. Drones that can be operated over long distances domestically while evading cameras and air‑defense systems can play a huge role in actions against the CCP. Tech groups can use them for intelligence gathering or sell them to other anti‑communist groups.

Yes, anti‑communist groups can also engage in commercial activities. The more anti‑communist groups there are, the more active the trade among them will be.

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Cooperation based on ideology between groups is fragile; mutual interest needs is what stabilizes them.

Collaboration between groups occurs through trade of products and services, turning competitive relationships into client‑vendor ones. When enough anti‑communist groups exist, a commercial ecosystem will form.

Operating groups as a market not only accumulates funds for anti‑communism but also gathers knowledge and experience for building a free‑market system.

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When addressing the three domestic strata, the middle class is the easiest to reach because it has the largest number of resistors. Through them, connections with the proletariat and elite strata can be established.

Among the proletariat, those who have contact with the middle class have the strongest rebellious spirit. They see classmates doing better, feel unable to hold their heads up at gatherings, and their hatred grows.

These people are like kindling piled up, igniting with a spark.

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In the elite strata, those who have direct contact with the middle class are most likely to launch a coup.

It may be because they see the suffering of lower‑class people and feel an urge for revolution. It may also be self‑pity, feeling like a fox mourning the death of a rabbit. Today’s lower‑middle class may become tomorrow’s elite.

It may also be that relatives or friends have influenced them.

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At least 180,000 mass incidents occur inside the Great Firewall each year, most of which are protests initiated by the middle class to defend private property rights.

These are the best entry points for overseas groups to engage with domestic groups. If we assume 1,000 overseas groups, combined with 180,000 domestic groups, each overseas group could on average contact 180 domestic groups per year.

In other words, overseas groups expanding into the interior face no competition issue.

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Political groups are the easiest to align with middle‑class protests. Cultural, military, and tech groups can cooperate with political groups and provide various professional services.

Thus, military groups can reach the proletariat through the middle class, becoming the foundation of armed forces. Cultural groups can reach ordinary intellectuals within the middle class and senior intellectuals among the elite. Tech groups can reach white‑collar workers and unemployed technicians.

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In this way each organization finds its own base. When it develops to a certain scale within the base, it can then infiltrate and turn the elite layer.

Some people immediately call for a coup without any prior groundwork. You are an unknown overseas organization, suddenly trying to turn the Eastern Theater Command commander or a central committee member—who would listen to you!

Organizational actions must not be all talk and no action; they must be grounded and managed step by step.

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The method I propose is not a shortcut, it has no tricks, nor is it some clever scheme. I do not demand you use my method; it only needs to be effective.

But observation shows that many organizations have been unable to gain entry for years. Einstein said: the most foolish thing in the world is to keep doing the same thing while expecting a different result.

If you keep struggling to make progress, consider a different approach and try the method I suggest.

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Overthrowing the CCP requires coordination at home and abroad, as well as support from the international community. Many rebels, faced with such a massive task, like to use simple and crude thinking.

Here are some examples:

1. Overthrowing the CCP must rely on ourselves, not on outsiders;
2. Overthrowing the CCP must rely on external forces, not on internal forces;
3. Overthrowing the CCP must rely on reason and law, not on force;
4. Overthrowing the CCP can only rely on force.

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Overthrowing the CCP must employ political, military, cultural, and technological means, mobilizing the proletariat, middle class, and elite, uniting all Chinese people at home and abroad, actively and effectively using international power and influence, and conducting comprehensive operations.

The CCP’s tentacles reach every corner of China and the world. Its weakness lies behind this apparent strength, because each tentacle can be attacked and cause toxic psychological damage.

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Organizational actions need sufficient operating funds; this is a key issue for overseas groups. Members, including leaders and founders, should receive salaries so they can safely engage in revolution.

Non‑profit organizations do not pay taxes; they exist for you to use them to organize activities. U.S. corporate taxes range from 30‑40%. This means two‑thirds of members can engage in commercial activities, while one‑third can work full‑time on revolution.

No one has to worry about lacking a livelihood.

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The commercial side can run any legal business. It can also receive government subsidies and contracts, obtain funding from other non‑profits and take on their projects. Of course, it can also solicit donations from individuals and companies.

In other words, a non‑profit’s fundraising capacity far exceeds that of a for‑profit entity.

A major problem for U.S. companies is that employees do not identify with the company’s social value, leading to low motivation.

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This problem does not exist in anti‑CCP groups because every member clearly understands and embraces the organization’s goals. Such groups have far greater motivation and efficiency in commercial operations than purely commercial enterprises, giving them strong competitiveness.

Members can earn salaries, start businesses, and personally participate in actions that advance a free China. What could be more exciting?

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When anti‑CCP groups multiply, a supply chain forms. For example, a military group needs advanced equipment, and a technology group develops that equipment; the military group can then purchase it from the technology group.

Because the tech group’s equipment is specifically designed for anti‑CCP scenarios, it has greater practical value than market‑bought gear. The tech group’s equipment can also be sold on the open market.

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Returning to the start of this series, the three main threads of organizational operation are: fundraising, member development, and action execution. Grasping these threads tightly enables effective organization.

Earlier we discussed the alignment of overseas and domestic groups, leading to the development of domestic organizations. In addition to fundraising and action planning, overseas groups should conduct extensive propaganda to expand international influence.

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Organizational propaganda can follow effective market‑development methods and build relationships with major mainstream media.

Overseas groups should connect with leaders of the free international community and top global think tanks, using them to influence international decision‑making and support the establishment of a free Chinese nation.

They should also build relationships with world‑class experts in various fields, such as Nobel laureates, to obtain their endorsement.

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As long as funds are sufficient, all these activities abroad can be outsourced; the organization does not need to have every talent in‑house.

Organizers should broaden their thinking, staying grounded while daring to imagine and act.

Sometimes a task that seems unlikely becomes much easier once you try it. Many people avoid it because they think it’s hard, so there’s little competition; those who act stand out.

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The conditions for a great Chinese revolution are basically in place—why hasn’t one occurred yet?

Some blame Chinese people for being timid. In fact, Chinese people are not timid at all; many ordinary citizens are very bold. Many will fight fiercely for small things and even kill for a few words.

What is missing now is a herd effect. If anti‑CCP groups manage step by step, they can create this effect.

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According to a poll on X last year, among 60 million overseas Chinese, over 3 % would join anti‑CCP activities—about two million people.

Overseas Chinese are intellectually active in the free world, full of diverse ideas. Even when these ideas are broken down, a thousand organizations should cover them all.

A thousand overseas groups with two million rebels means an average of two thousand potential members per group. Most groups will be small, but a few will stand out, reaching tens of thousands or even hundreds of thousands. This is the outlook for overseas anti‑CCP organizations.

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On the mainland, there are hundreds of thousands of protest events each year, mainly involving the middle class, each backed by a hidden organization.

As the economy worsens and the “chives” are harvested batch after batch, social contradictions will intensify, and a million protests per year become imminent. Assuming an average of 100 participants per protest, that equals 100 million people.

Through coordination between domestic and overseas groups, two million overseas rebels can link with one hundred million domestic protestors. This flexible yet dispersed connection cannot be blocked by the CCP.

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Through the middle‑class protestors, one can reach the proletariat to launch armed revolution, and infiltrate the elite to trigger coups.

Overseas rebels can raise ample anti‑CCP activity funds, provide advanced organizational methods and technology, quickly disseminate information to gain international attention, and connect with free‑world leaders and top think tanks to influence decisions.

The combined force of domestic and overseas rebels with the free international community will inevitably form a major anti‑CCP trend!

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Under the scourge of Marxism‑Leninism and the Yellow‑Russian disaster, the Chinese nation is in deep crisis. All Chinese worldwide face a stark choice: pretend nothing is wrong or strive to change it.

Critical moments in history always provide opportunities for those who dare to act, making them creators of history. This is the great era for ordinary people to write brilliant lives!

Expel Marxism‑Leninism, restore China; Democratic constitutionalism, free China!

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