Politburo List Exposed, Hu Chunhua Included? Generals and Veteran Factions Control the Military! Xi Jinping Rushes to Dezhou, Shandong, Gag Order Issued to Destroy 9.6 Billion in Black Accounts [Jiang Feng Vision 20260626 Episode 420]

This episode analyzes the latest developments in the power struggle within Zhongnanhai, including the addition of Hu Chunhua to the Politburo roster, the promotion of Air Force generals in the personnel adjustments of the Central Military Commission organs, and the situation regarding senior military cadres participating in a 70-day political rectification. At the same time, it discusses the background of Xi Jinping's recent inspection trip to Dezhou, Shandong, involving the investigation of Guizhou Energy Group General Manager Lan Haiping and money laundering channels overseas connected to Xi's family.

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Welcome back to Jiang Feng Perspective, friends. Do you remember at the closing ceremony of the 20th Party Congress, when a gray-haired Hu Jintao was forcibly escorted out of the venue, while Hu Chunhua, sitting next to him, could only cross his arms and let the cameras capture his near-desperate endurance? That day, everyone thought that this former successor had already suffered complete social death and was destined to rot away in the cold palace of the CPPCC. But just in these past few days, on the desk of Zhongnanhai's chief administrator, Cai Qi, the list of supplementary members for the Politburo prominently featured that name that had been sealed away for three years: Hu Chunhua. This is a ruthless counter-blow, equivalent to pointing at Xi Jinping's nose and saying: the person you went to such great lengths to strike down back then, we are now going to openly and proudly lift back up, one by one. Coupled with the four-to-one Air Force power-grab list rumored within the Military Commission and the old recording of Wen Jiabao speaking about freedom and equality, a power encirclement jointly set up by generals holding guns and the Senate has quietly closed in on Zhongnanhai. How many cards does that lonely-looking Old Xi in the wheat fields of Dezhou actually have left to play?

Over the past two days, the movements within the military have been unusually large. Some people dug up an old speech delivered by former Premier Wen Jiabao at Tsinghua University in 2012, picking out just a few specific lines to listen to. A serving Premier of the CCP at the time said out loud that all people are born equal, everyone is equal in dignity and rights, and freedom is not an empty concept, but the freedom of speech, freedom of belief, and the realization of fundamental rights. This recording, suppressed for 14 years, has taken wings over the past few days, spreading wildly within the military and inside the system.

Another matter is that the CMC organs quietly issued a promotion list. Of the five most critical troop-deployment positions, one was given to the long-neglected Navy, while the remaining four went exclusively to the Air Force. These five positions are in the Political Work Department, the Logistic Support Department, the Training Management Department, the Science and Technology Commission of the CMC, and finally, the Joint Operations Command Center. These five key departments are directly under the CMC, and most of them have fallen into the hands of the Air Force. Those familiar with the CCP military are well aware that the Air Force lineage is the private preserve that Hu Jintao and the retired former CMC Vice Chairman Xu Qiliang have cultivated for a full twenty years. After the great purges of the past few years, the two generals who were able to be steadily promoted, Yang Zhibin and Han Shengyan, are both from the Air Force; they are both Hu Jintao's men. To understand why so many of Hu Jintao's men have stepped into leadership positions in the CMC organs, you must first look back at one event. This spring, at Hongshankou, Xi Jinping offended this group of generals who hold heavy military power to a profound degree. On April 8, in the National Defense University auditorium, sat the top brains of the entire CCP military—hundreds of generals, lieutenant generals, and major generals. Xi Jinping personally attended and delivered a speech filled with murderous intent, announcing the opening of the special seminar for senior officers of the entire military. Then, these people were locked inside, kept there until June 16—a full seventy days. Do the math: a theater commander who can mobilize hundreds of thousands of troops, or an equipment chief who manages tens of billions in procurement, drops their work and is locked up in the National Defense University for seventy full days. This gap is enough for the organization department to see through your files and for the discipline inspection commission to get to the bottom of your background. This is clearly aimed at the power-holders in the military, intended to isolate and investigate you for seventy days.

What made these old generals even more unable to swallow their pride was how they were publicly stripped of their dignity during these seventy days. Every day before dawn, they had to get up to the sound of shrill whistles, forbidden from bringing secretaries or guards, and assemble on the parade ground to practice marching and goose-stepping like raw recruits. After marching, they had to stretch their necks to recite the Party admission oath and loudly sing the "Three Main Rules of Discipline and Eight Points for Attention." Imagine the scene: a theater commander holding the nuclear button, in the cold morning wind, following the instructor's whistle and shouting, "First, obey orders in all actions." This was a carefully designed obedience test, intended to break your factional arrogance and press you back into the position of a lowly soldier, to see who would dare to show even the slightest bit of defiance. The humiliation didn't end there; what followed was real, hard-hitting political extortion. These generals were divided into groups according to military operations, political work, logistics and equipment, science and technology, and national defense mobilization. Each person had to personally write a list of corruption risks in their own area. To put it bluntly, this was being forced to write a confession: how you hid money in your sector in the past. If you didn't write it, you were disloyal; if you did, your Achilles' heel would henceforth fall into the drawer of Zhang Shengmin, Secretary of the CMC Discipline Inspection Commission. Most soul-crushing of all, the repentance materials of disciplined personnel were displayed on the stage. Although the names were erased, who in the audience didn't know that the ones who signed and pressed their fingerprints on those documents were the very core of the Xi faction who had just fallen—He Weidong and Miao Hua? Looking at the repentance letters of these two bigwigs who once wielded the power of life and death in the military on behalf of Xi Jinping, the hearts of the generals in the audience turned completely cold. The higher you rise, the faster you die; the position of a senior general is an electric chair rigged with a time bomb. Thus, the most classic non-violent non-cooperation emerged: everyone feigned illness or incompetence, using a legal attitude that couldn't be faulted to vent their grievances frantically. The military newspaper itself wrote that on the day of graduation, sixteen student representatives took the stage to report on their learning experiences, examine problems and gaps, and speak many of their own, down-to-earth words. But if you strip away the rhetoric, isn't it just hundreds of generals holding heavy military power, locked up for seventy days, who, when finally given the stage, spoke only of the problems they found and their bellyful of grievances? Funds were blocked by audits, making training impossible; equipment was inspected and modified every single day; military factories dared not deliver goods. This political whip intended to rectify military discipline was beaten by the generals into a soft noodle with endless difficulties.

By the graduation day on June 16, the truth was laid bare. Xi Jinping attended the opening ceremony in person, but he was nowhere to be seen on the day of graduation; only Zhang Shengmin was there to wrap things up. Would Xi Jinping dare to show up? He went to the opening to assert his authority and issue orders. But after more than two months, he knew clearly in his heart that he could not subdue the generals sitting before him. The scene of this political car crash was so unsightly that the PLA Daily held back for eight full days, not daring to report a single word. Graduation was on June 16, but the article wasn't published until June 24. During those eight days, the propaganda department did only one thing: put makeup on the car crash scene before daring to serve it up. But you humiliated hundreds of armed men to the extreme for 70 days; did you think they would just slink away and behave? These people have weapons in their hands. They dug up that recording of Wen Jiabao talking about equality and freedom and threw it in Xi Jinping's face, which was tantamount to publicly convicting his 13-year-long political line. They also used a 4-to-1 victory for the Air Force in the promotion list of the Central Military Commission organs to firmly lock the power of troop deployment in the hands of the party elders, away from Zhongnanhai. A group of armed men, having been purged and humiliated enough, began to fight back. Xi Jinping's control over the military is no longer listening to him. With the gun taken away, only two paths lie before him: one is to accept his fate, wash his neck, and wait for others to finish him off. But for a man who has held this country in his grip for twelve full years, is he willing? He is not. That leaves only the second path: a counterattack. That is why you see him over this past month, releasing new books, leaking information overseas—one thing after another; he is furious. At the Politburo meeting at the end of last month, his friend of over 50 years, Chen Xi, was removed from his position as President of the Central Party School. His confidant in Hubei, Wang Zhonglin, also had his position taken by Guan Zhiou. This is equivalent to announcing to the whole party and the entire military that Xi Jinping no longer has the final say in personnel matters. If he were truly the supreme leader, who could touch a confidant of Chen Xi's level? Who would dare? In the days when Chen Xi was pried away, Xi Jinping's schedule showed an abnormal distortion. Lao People's Revolutionary Party General Secretary Thongloun Sisoulith visited China with great fanfare on June 2 and arrived in Beijing on June 4. According to diplomatic protocol, Xi Jinping should have come out immediately to shake hands and take photos, but this time he kept a dark face and dragged it out until the afternoon of June 5 before finally coming out to hold a welcome ceremony. Whispers in Beijing's official circles were rampant: Xi Jinping was holding back immense anger because Chen Xi had been pried away, and he sulked for several days, refusing to see anyone. You tell me what kind of behavior this is. What he should have done most was to send the person who picked the lock, seized power, and forced Chen Xi out to Qincheng Prison, but he couldn't do it, so he could only take his frustration out on foreign guests. Publishing a book to prove I am still here, taking a trip to Shandong to touch the wheat to prove I can still leave Beijing, changing the tone of the military newspaper to prove that the training session was my achievement, leaking some information overseas to scare the military leaders who just returned—all these repetitive actions are shouting the same thing: I am still alive, I am still in the seat. But politics never looks at how loud your voice is. There is only one standard to test if you are the real boss: when your confidants are arrested and sent to Qincheng, can you get them out? Let's use this to test his mettle. On October 17 last year, nine high-ranking military generals were expelled from the Party and the military and transferred to military procuratorial organs. The first two names were CMC Vice Chairman He Weidong and Director of the CMC Political Work Department Miao Hua, followed by a long list including former Eastern Theater Command Commander Lin Xiangyang. These nine people were Xi Jinping's own direct subordinates, handpicked and promoted by him, breaking all rules. From last October to today, more than half a year has passed; has he managed to get even one of these nine people, who are lying in military prisons awaiting trial, back? Not a single one. And those who pried away Chen Xi, seized his military power, and purged his direct subordinates are now sitting in Zhongnanhai, watching him coldly, too lazy to even say a word. The people in Zhongnanhai are engaged in infighting, treating the entire country as private property to be looted. What we ordinary people can hold onto is just the good health of ourselves and our families.

Let's continue talking about Xi Jinping's firefighting drama in Shandong. On June 24, Xi Jinping rushed to Dezhou, Shandong, for a one-day inspection. As soon as the news came out, netizens first noticed an anomaly: when Xi the Steamed Bun went to Dezhou, Imperial Eunuch Cai did not accompany him. Just after Lan Haiping was arrested, Old Xi rushed to Shandong. If this isn't firefighting, what is? Anyone with discerning eyes could see that this trip to Dezhou was a firefighting operation of physical defense and evidence destruction. First of all, why didn't Cai Qi accompany him this time? Because his own seat is also on fire. After Chen Xi was dismissed from the Central Party School, on June 6, Cai Qi's closest henchman in Beijing, Beijing Municipal CPPCC Chairman Wei Xiaodong, was directly taken away by Liu Guojong of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. Right now, Cai Qi is walking on thin ice in Beijing, busy discussing how to clean up the mess with Wang Xiaohong; how could he have the mind to accompany Old Xi to Shandong to play this life-saving farce? As for why Old Xi himself had to go to Shandong, it is because buried deep beneath Shandong is the most fatal vulnerability of his younger brother, Xi Yuanping. Just six days before this Shandong trip, on June 18, Lan Haiping, general manager of Guizhou Energy Group, was investigated. He held two major photovoltaic projects totaling 9.6 billion. The photovoltaic business is a fat piece of meat in China that everyone knows about but no one dares to expose. On the surface, it bears the green mountains and clear waters are mountains of gold and silver, very clean and positive. But once this green coat of environmental protection paint is scraped off, eight or nine out of ten people doing this business surnamed Xi. Old Xi's precious younger brother, Xi Yuanping, wears the red hat of President of the International Energy-Saving and Environmental Protection Association; with a flick of his finger, he allocates tens of billions in financial subsidies and major projects. Lan Haiping was the accountant managing this photovoltaic black gold for the Xi family in the southwest. The 9.6 billion national projects in his hands bypassed layer upon layer of white-glove companies and finally landed in the pockets of a listed company in Qingdao, Shandong, and were then converted from Qingdao's port into US dollars and euros, shipped overseas all the way. To put it bluntly, Shandong is the general export exit for the Xi family to launder black money and ship it out of the country. Exactly how much went into Xi Jinping's own pocket, no one can say for sure, but at the very least it starts at 1 billion or 2 billion. Now, the two people guarding this sewer, Shandong Governor Zhou Naixiang, have already been listed for investigation by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and can be publicly taken down at any time. Shandong Provincial Party Secretary Lin Wu is also hanging in the air. As long as one of these two cannot withstand Liu Guojong's interrogation and spills the beans one by one on the Xi family's overseas money laundering channels, this game will be completely lost. Think about Old Xi's current situation; his guns, as mentioned earlier, haven't been listening for a long time. If even this blood-transfusion money pipe is cut off with a single stroke, he will truly become a disabled person at the mercy of others. Therefore, the moment Lan Haiping was arrested, he rushed to Shandong in a panic. This was not a confident inspection at all; this was a life-saving errand. His trip to Shandong was to form a life-and-death alliance face-to-face with Lin Wu and Zhou Naixiang. The meaning could not be clearer: keep your mouths shut tight, immediately use your local powers, and destroy all accounts involving Xi Yuanping overnight without leaving a single trace. As long as I, Old Xi, am still in this position and you don't speak up, I will protect you. At the same time, this is also a paper-tiger-style intimidation. He wants to swagger into the fields to touch wheat ears and chat with villagers in the CCTV footage, showing Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao in Beijing that Shandong is his territory, and if they dare to touch Shandong, they are forcing him to flip the table. Friends who like this episode, please move your fingers to click a like, click subscribe, and click the little bell. Your action helps Jiangfeng Horizon break through the platform's traffic limits so that more people still in the dark can see these truths they cannot otherwise see. Alright, see you in the next episode.