Farewell to Vase-style Dissent: Thirty-six Years After June Fourth, True Rebellion Restarts

The End of Decorative Dissent: Real Rebellion Rises 36 Years After Tiananmen Square Massacre

Today, as the "little pinks" have evolved from denial and sophistry to proudly shouting "They deserved to die!", we see some positive changes in the voices commemorating June Fourth, but the extent remains limited. Today, as the "little pinks" have evolved from denial and sophistry to proudly shouting "They deserved to die!", we see some positive changes in the voices commemorating June Fourth, but the extent remains limited.

There was a group back then that rose up in resistance in the face of the massacre, inflicted real damage and losses on the CCP’s military and police, and as a result, suffered the most frenzied and long-lasting persecution from the authorities. Yet this group has long been deliberately ignored or even disassociated from—this unjust treatment is the biggest weakness in June Fourth commemorations. There was a group back then that rose up in resistance in the face of the massacre, inflicted real damage and losses on the CCP’s military and police, and as a result, suffered the most frenzied and long-lasting persecution from the authorities. Yet this group has long been deliberately ignored or even disassociated from—this unjust treatment is the biggest weakness in June Fourth commemorations.

This year, we’ve heard some encouraging voices in this regard. People like Wang Juntao gave high praise to the June Fourth resistance group, reflected on the past neglect, distortion, and disassociation toward them, affirmed that their active resistance against the massacre was the most glorious moment of the movement, and expressed a progressive viewpoint of moving beyond "peaceful, rational, and nonviolent" (he li fei) approaches. This year, we’ve heard some encouraging voices in this regard. People like Wang Juntao gave high praise to the June Fourth resistance group, reflected on the past neglect, distortion, and disassociation toward them, affirmed that their active resistance against the massacre was the most glorious moment of the movement, and expressed a progressive viewpoint of moving beyond "peaceful, rational, and nonviolent" (he li fei) approaches.

I believe this amplification of such voices is a welcome change. I believe this amplification of such voices is a welcome change.

At the same time, I fully understand why the resistance group has been stigmatized for so long. At the same time, I fully understand why the resistance group has been stigmatized for so long.

While we are thankful for the moral support from various governments over the years, we must also clearly see the reality behind it: for a long time, the international community has been extremely weak overall in response to the June Fourth massacre, to Xinjiang and Tibet, to human rights violations... and to the authoritarianism behind all of it—the Chinese Communist Party. While we are thankful for the moral support from various governments over the years, we must also clearly see the reality behind it: for a long time, the international community has been extremely weak overall in response to the June Fourth massacre, to Xinjiang and Tibet, to human rights violations... and to the authoritarianism behind all of it—the Chinese Communist Party.

This weakness is most evident in the fact that, aside from occasional verbal condemnations and symbolic sanctions at specific times and for specific purposes, any real attempts to subvert the CCP regime are subject to comprehensive legal restrictions. In public discourse and other areas, efforts are made to guide and shape China’s resistance movement into a decorative vase—one that speaks but does not act. This weakness is most evident in the fact that, aside from occasional verbal condemnations and symbolic sanctions at specific times and for specific purposes, any real attempts to subvert the CCP regime are subject to comprehensive legal restrictions. In public discourse and other areas, efforts are made to guide and shape China’s resistance movement into a decorative vase—one that speaks but does not act.

Within this ornamental vase, many participants, consciously or unconsciously, have become intoxicated with performance—they’ve gained fame and profit, built grand images, and appeared refined and civilized... yet the entire resistance movement has gone astray, wasting years of time and resou Within this ornamental vase, many participants, consciously or unconsciously, have become intoxicated with performance—they’ve gained fame and profit, built grand images, and appeared refined and civilized... yet the entire resistance movement has gone astray, wasting years of time and resou

rces, while merely watching the CCP’s threat to the world grow day by day.

而帮助中共崛起的，就有各国那些义正严辞令人感动的政客们以及那些连表面功夫都懒得做的大亨们，他们给予中共的，是订单，是产业，是真金白银……双方的勾连之深，已到了打断骨头连着筋的程度。 Among those who helped the CCP rise are those moving politicians who speak so righteously, and those tycoons who can’t even be bothered to put on a façade. What they have given to the CCP are contracts, industries, and real money... the collusion between both sides runs so deep it’s like broken bones still held together by tendons.

你若胆敢做些激怒和伤害中共的事，可能某些老外都想跳出来摁住你。 If you dare to do something that provokes or harms the CCP, there may even be some foreigners eager to jump out and hold you down.

这是可悲的现实，但事情似乎也在产生一些变化。俄乌战争已经迫使至少一部分类似的勾结，不得不中断了。而在西太平洋，磨刀霍霍的中共，是否会在台海挑起战争，也成了越来越让外国政府担忧的话题。 This is a sad reality, but there seem to be some changes underway. The Russia-Ukraine war has forced at least part of these collusions to be interrupted. And in the Western Pacific, the saber-rattling CCP and the possibility of it starting a war over the Taiwan Strait have become increasingly concerning topics for foreign governments.

反抗中共的人们要做好准备。 Those who resist the CCP must prepare themselves.

即便当前，许多束缚我们手脚的限制仍然存在，许多引诱我们在旧路线上继续浪费时间的鼓吹仍然存在，但我们要逐步完成积极的准备以应对可能的变化。 Even now, many restrictions that bind our hands and feet still exist, and many voices continue to seduce us into wasting time on the old path. But we must gradually carry out active preparations to respond to possible changes.

要铺设并完善地下网络，不仅能实现信息的保密传递，还要在时机来临时，足以完成人员及武器的输送。 We must build and perfect underground networks, not only for secure transmission of information, but also to ensure the transport of personnel and weapons when the time comes.

某些人会率先做出示范，告诉大家所谓中共密不透风的统治，纯属宣传上的神话。在中国境内发起隐蔽的打击行动，是完全可行且中共当局是完全防不胜防的。 Some people will take the lead to demonstrate that the so-called airtight CCP rule is nothing more than a propaganda myth. Launching covert strikes within mainland China is completely feasible, and the CCP authorities are entirely unprepared to defend against it.

可以这么说，若把旧路线一半的资源投入其中，中共恐怕早在二十年内就已经被打垮了。 It’s fair to say that if even half the resources spent on the old path had been invested in this, the CCP might have already been overthrown within twenty years.

对比下南非沙佩维尔屠杀，虽然警察大概只造成了数十人死亡，但曼德拉和非国大却清醒的认识到和理非路线已经无法走通，并迅速成立了“民族之矛”开展武装斗争。 Compare this to the Sharpeville Massacre in South Africa. Although the police only killed a few dozen people, Mandela and the ANC clearly realized that the peaceful and rational path was no longer viable. They quickly established “Umkhonto we Sizwe” and began armed resistance.

虽然曼德拉被污为恐怖分子，民族之矛被某些国家定为恐怖组织，但最后你猜怎么着？曼德拉拿了诺贝尔和平奖，民族之矛变成了南非国防军。 Although Mandela was smeared as a terrorist and Umkhonto we Sizwe was labeled a terrorist organization by some countr

ies—guess what? Mandela won the Nobel Peace Prize, and Umkhonto we Sizwe became the South African National Defense Force.

We have lingered too long on the path of self-affecting weakness. We have lingered too long on the path of self-congratulatory weakness.

It is time for some change. It’s time for a change.