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Wen Jiabao Sits at the Center, Monopolizing 2,360 Party Delegate Votes; Gatekeeper of His Fujian Stronghold Replaced in a Rush Within 5 Months; PLA Daily Issues Murderous Warning Naming 'Couples Punished Together,' Cai Qi and Li Xi Tremble and Dare Not Appear; Calculating Which State-Level Official Will Be Arrested First! [Jiang Feng Vision 20261109 Episode 535]

1# · OP Author：江峰·視界 Published：2026-11-09 11:03 Replies：0 Views：7 Permalink：fanzei.net/d_zk8ma6

This episode provides an in-depth analysis of a series of political moves by Wen Jiabao in recent political maneuvers: from Ma Xingrui being prosecuted and 12 provincial party secretaries and governors being transferred to the National People's Congress, to the hasty replacement of the secretary of the Fujian Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection within five months. Wen Jiabao has effectively controlled the nomination rights for local delegates by strictly controlling the screening threshold for the 2,360 delegate votes at the 21st National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (such as the "unreliable" principle stipulated by the Organization Department of the CCP Central Committee). At the same time, the program reviews the shocks and reactions of various state-level senior officials above the national level (including Cai Qi, Li Xi, Jia Qinglin, Zeng Qinghong, etc.) both on and off the stage during the power reorganization.

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Hello friends, welcome to Jiang Feng Horizon. This past week, Wen Jiabao has really been making sweeping moves. Ma Xingrui was prosecuted, and twelve provincial party secretaries and governors were all shoved into the specialized committees of the National People's Congress as deputy directors in a single day. Trouble also broke out in Xi Jinping's power base in Fujian, which he has managed for seventeen years, as the gatekeeping secretary of the provincial discipline inspection commission, Wei Xiaokui, was replaced after serving for only five months. Blow after blow, all aimed at the exact same thing—the 2,360 delegate votes for next year's 21st National Congress. On November 8, the Organization Department of the CCP Central Committee laid out the rules for selecting delegates. The most fatal three words inside were "unreliable," meaning that if the discipline inspection commission is unwilling to vouch for you, you can't even get on the list of delegates. Wen Jiabao moved the top officials in charge of selecting delegates in various provinces ahead of time, and replaced the gatekeeping discipline inspection commission secretaries ahead of time with people he trusts. Before a single vote is cast, the gates have already been guarded by Wen Jiabao. These 2,360 votes at the 21st National Congress are practically monopolized by him alone.

Fujian is holding its provincial party congress this month to select the delegates from Fujian going to Beijing for the 21st National Congress. Right at this critical juncture, two consecutive secretaries of the Fujian discipline inspection commission—whether Wei Xiaokui or Shi Wenbin—are both people from the Jiangxi discipline inspection system. Who brought up this group of people? It is Sun Xinyang, deputy secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and a fellow townsman of Xi Jinping from Fuping, Shaanxi. Isn't it ironic that someone brought up by Xi Jinping's own fellow townsman is now running to Fujian to raid Xi Jinping's home base? Wen Jiabao's blade has already slashed to the doorstep of Xi Jinping's home. These state-level officials in Beijing have all been beating drums in their hearts lately. Cai Qi and Li Xi, who are still sitting on the stage, are rushing to write articles in the newspapers to pledge loyalty. As for those elders who have already retired, Li Zhanshu has simply closed his door and claimed to be sick, while Zhang Dejiang, Jia Qinglin, Zeng Qinghong, and Wang Qishan are all keeping silent one after another. Who will be the next one taken down? We will calculate this account one by one in the second half of our program.

At noon on November 8, Fujian released a message that Shi Wenbin was appointed as a member of the Standing Committee of the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee and Secretary of the Discipline Inspection Commission, replacing the former discipline inspection chief Wei Xiaokui just like that. Wei Xiaokui is a native of Dean, Jiangxi. In the autumn of the year before last, he was transferred across provinces to Fujian to serve as Vice Governor. On June 8 this year, he was promoted in place in Fujian to become a member of the Provincial Party Committee's Standing Committee and Secretary of the Provincial Discipline Inspection Commission. By November 8 when he was replaced, it had been about five months. The authorities have not said a single word about where he was transferred to, but there are rumors that he was transferred to Zhejiang as the discipline inspection chief to break through another old lair of Xi Jinping. Wei Xiaokui was not an official from Fujian in the first place; he was transferred from Jiangxi. When he first entered Fujian, he did not serve as the discipline inspection chief. Instead, he started in the position of Vice Governor, in charge of education, the Health Commission, medical security, the Drug Administration, and transportation. After spending a year and a half getting the lay of the land in Fujian and figuring things out, they finally handed the knife of the discipline inspection chief to him. At that time, the Fifth Plenary Session had not yet been held, and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) was in a hurry to tear open a breach first in Xi Jinping's old lair in Fujian. As an outsider who had served as vice governor for more than a year, he knew clearly which sectors had shady dealings, and since he had no personal ties with locals, using him to lead the vanguard was the most convenient option, directly promoting him to be the discipline inspection chief. During these five months, he indeed held nothing back. On August 7, the CCDI officially announced that Zhang Yigong, Secretary of the Quanzhou Municipal Party Committee, was under investigation. Around the same time, overseas reports surfaced that Lin Jian, Mayor of Nanping, and Cui Yonghui, the former Secretary of the Xiamen Municipal Party Committee who had just stepped down in April, had also been taken away by the discipline inspection commission. What kind of place is Xiamen? The smuggling case of Yuanhua that shocked the country back then took place in Xiamen. The stakes planted locally by the Fujian faction were pulled out in a large swath all at once. The current CCDI has its daily work presided over by Liu Jinguo, and what Liu Jinguo is doing regarding the Fujian faction among mid-to-high-level officials is checking them one by one. What Wei Xiaokui did in these five months was to help Liu Jinguo kick open this door in Fujian first.

So with him investigating so hard, why was he replaced after only five months? This requires looking at the background of Shi Wenbin, who took over his position. Shi Wenbin is a native of Pengze, Jiangxi, and can be considered a fellow Jiangxi townsman of Wei Xiaokui. From November 2021 to March 2023, when Shi Wenbin served as Secretary-General of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee, Wei Xiaokui happened to be the Executive Deputy Secretary of the Jiangxi Provincial Discipline Inspection Commission. The two of them worked together in the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee and knew each other well. Nearly three years ago, Shi Wenbin went north to Jilin to serve as Secretary of the Provincial Discipline Inspection Commission, becoming the first person nationwide after the 20th National Congress to become a provincial discipline inspection chief without even being a member of the CCDI. The person Shi Wenbin succeeded in Jilin was Zhang Zhong. Zhang Zhong is no simple figure; on August 22 this year, when the CCDI held a plenary session, he and Zhao Zeyong were promoted to Deputy Secretaries of the CCDI, and Zhang Zhong was also promoted to Standing Committee member. Barely two and a half months after Zhang Zhong was promoted, his successor in Jilin, Shi Wenbin, was thrust straight into Xi Jinping's old lair in Fujian. This was a pre-calculated rotation of posts. After all, Wei Xiaokui had served as Vice Governor of Fujian for two years and dealt with those bureau-level officials locally in Fujian every day; if the time drags on, people are easily corrupted, so a new person had to be swapped in quickly. When Fujian holds its party congress and needs to vet the candidates for delegates to the 21st National Congress one by one, swapping in Shi Wenbin—who had worked in discipline inspection in Jilin for nearly three years and had nothing to do with the Fujian officialdom—to guard the gate is the only way to ensure absolute ruthlessness in enforcement.

There is another layer to this: what Wei Xiaokui was doing in Fujian was essentially a high-stakes job putting his life on the line. In these five months, he overturned the top leaders of Quanzhou, Nanping, and Xiamen one by one, offending a large swathe of the Fujian faction. Staying any longer would make his personal safety questionable. But Wen Jiabao does not care about that. Wei Xiaokui was the first nail Wen Jiabao drove into Fujian in October 2024, acting as a tool in his hands. Using someone brought up by Xi Jinping's fellow townsman to hack away at Xi Jinping's territory means that if the hacking succeeds, it was Xi Jinping's own people uprooting Xi Jinping's old lair, and if something goes wrong and it backfires, it is still Xi Jinping's people who take the fall. Wen Jiabao is truly ruthless in his use of people. Transferring Wei Xiaokui away was not to protect him; rather, this knife had not finished its work, so taking advantage of the fact that the case files in Fujian were already secured, he was hurriedly dispatched to Xi Jinping's next old lair, Zhejiang. Both Wei Xiaokui and Shi Wenbin, the two successive Fujian discipline inspection chiefs, came out of Jiangxi, and this line of Jiangxi discipline inspection personnel was originally brought up by one person named Sun Xinyang. From November 2016 to March 2020, Sun Xinyang served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee and Secretary of the Provincial Discipline Inspection Commission. Wei Xiaokui originally worked in forestry and industry in Jiangxi and had never worked in discipline inspection at all. He was transferred into the Jiangxi Provincial Discipline Inspection Commission as a standing committee member only in December 2017, and was promoted to deputy secretary in August 2019. Both steps were taken under Sun Xinyang. It can be said that the knife Wei Xiaokui held to investigate cases was sharpened for him single-handedly by Sun Xinyang.

So, where is Sun Xinyang from? If you open his resume, the birthplace column says Fuping, Shaanxi—the hometown of Xi Jinping's father. In March 2020, Sun was transferred from Jiangxi to Beijing to serve as the head of the Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) stationed at the Ministry of Public Security. Just one month after he entered the Ministry, Vice Minister of Public Security Sun Lijun was placed under investigation. In 2021, during the national education and rectification campaign for the public security force, Wang Xiaohong was the first deputy head of the leading group, and Sun Xinyang was a deputy head; both stood on stage calling for the eradication of the poisonous influence of Sun Lijun. At the 20th Party Congress in October 2022, Sun Xinyang was promoted to Deputy Secretary of the CCDI. Sun Xinyang had thoroughly vetted the entire public security system under Wang Xiaohong's command. Logically, how could this Fuping fellow-townsman, personally inserted into the Ministry of Public Security by Xi, lead his former Jiangxi discipline inspection subordinates to charge into Fujian and turn Xi's 'Fujian Gang' upside down? This is the coldest calculation in officialdom: Sun Xinyang is now working under Liu Jinguo and has been co-opted by him. People in officialdom are like weather vanes; just like a crowd watching two people argue on the street, they will cheer for whichever side has the power. On August 22, when the CCDI held its plenary session, fourteen people sat on the podium, and Sun Xinyang was still sitting firmly there. Four days later, on August 26, he was elected as the Secretary of the CCDI Organ Committee. As a fellow-townsman of Xi, sitting in the position of Deputy Secretary of the CCDI, he sees which way the wind is blowing more clearly than anyone else. As we mentioned earlier, the daily work of the CCDI has already been handed over to Liu Jinguo, and with the promotion of Zhang Zhong and Zhao Shiyong to deputy secretaries in August, the power structure of the CCDI has long since changed. If he were to still cling to the 'Fuping fellow-townsman' label and stubbornly hold the line for Xi, he would be courting death. Conversely, by handing over the discipline inspection team he brought from Jiangxi and following Liu Jinguo to Fujian to make arrests, he can secure his footing before his new master. With a fellow-townsman from the same county turning around to help others raid his old home, Xi is already isolated and abandoned by his followers in officialdom.

On November 7, the CCP Central Committee issued the notice for the election of delegates to the 21st Party Congress. The country is divided into 38 electoral units to elect 2,360 delegates, 60 more seats than at the 20th Party Congress, with all elections to be completed by the end of June next year. Seeing this, some friends will surely ask: doesn't the notice still mention the 'Two Establishes'? If Xi has really lost his grip on power, why would they still write these phrases in the document? We discussed this in the last episode: Xi did read a letter of resignation at the Fifth Plenary Session, but Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao kept the letter in their hands and did not put it to a vote. Without a vote, he remains General Secretary in name, so these words must still be written in the documents—these words are a face-saving gesture for him. However, the real blade is aimed at his subordinates. Where is this blade hidden?

Let's take an ordinary bureau-level cadre as an example; he has to pass through many hurdles to become a delegate to the 21st Party Congress. First, the Party organization of his own unit must provide an opinion, then the Discipline Inspection Commission must provide an opinion, and then the Organization Department must pull out his report on personal matters to check it—how many houses he has, how much money he has saved, and whether his children are abroad; the Organization Department has records of all of this. When the list of candidates is about to be finalized, they have to go back and ask the discipline inspection commission at the same level again. These hurdles existed during the 20th Party Congress as well, but this time, on November 8, the Organization Department added two harsh requirements. One is that those with problems in integrity, or whose problems have not been cleared up, or whose suspicions have not been eliminated and are not 'reliable,' cannot be selected as candidates. The other is that those with poor moral conduct, those who have lost their integrity, or those whose work style is not up to standard cannot be selected. If you carefully analyze this word 'unreliable' (bu tuodi), the Discipline Inspection Commission does not need to prove you have a problem or open a case against you; as long as they say, 'We don't find this person reliable,' and refuse to vouch for you, you cannot make the list. Look at the latter part about 'losing integrity' and 'work style not up to standard'—these terms have no objective measure. What is 'losing integrity'? What is 'not up to standard'? If the Discipline Inspection Commission says you have lost your integrity, then you have lost your integrity, and you won't even find a place to defend yourself.

Looking further down, who holds the keys to these checkpoints? The head of the Organization Department is Shi Taifeng, and the daily operations of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) are managed by Liu Jinguo; both of these men are Wen Jiabao's people. The two checkpoints in Beijing are in their hands, and the situation is the same at the local level. On November 6, twelve provincial party secretaries and governors were all moved into the People's Congress within a single day. This move was to preempt the provincial party congresses, removing these people from the positions where they would preside over the selection of delegates. In Fujian, the secretary of the Discipline Inspection Commission, who oversees the vetting process, was also replaced by Shi Wenbin on November 8. If you look from Zhongnanhai all the way down to the provincial party committee compounds, the entire line of selecting delegates is held by Wen Jiabao's people, and this mechanism is already in motion. On November 6 and 7, Shenyang and Dalian in Liaoning just finished their municipal party congresses and elected new municipal party secretaries. The municipal party congress elects delegates to the provincial party congress, and the provincial party congress then elects delegates to the 21st National Congress, layer upon layer moving upward. Liaoning's provincial party congress is scheduled for December, and Fujian's is even earlier, held this month. Let's put ourselves in Shi Wenbin's shoes: he has just sat down in the office of the Fujian Provincial Discipline Inspection Commission secretary. On his desk are the case files from Quanzhou, Nanping, and Xiamen investigated by his predecessor Wei Xiaokui over the past five months, and at his hand is the list of candidates for the 21st National Congress submitted by Fujian. He looks down the list one by one; for anyone even remotely connected to Xi's 'Fujian Gang,' he doesn't need to open a case or find evidence. He just needs to write three words on the back: 'not reliable,' and that person will not be able to enter the 21st National Congress. Those people whom Xi cultivated in Fujian for seventeen years are thus blocked outside the venue one by one, with nowhere even to voice their grievances.

There is another door reserved specifically for the elders. The Organization Department of the CCP Central Committee also stated this time that, according to custom, the Party Central Committee will select a number of retired senior Party members to attend the congress as special delegates. In other words, as for those retired veterans, who gets to sit in the venue of the 21st National Congress and who can't even touch the door—this is also decided by the Central Committee. Just imagine, if a retired national-level leader cannot even become a special delegate, people on the outside will immediately understand that this person is likely already on another list. This is why these veterans have been silent and invisible lately; they all know in their hearts that their names are also being checked against the list in Wen Jiabao's hands. On November 2, the full text of the decision of the Fifth Plenary Session was published, which included this sentence: 'Absolutely no 'Iron-Cap Princes' or 'iron certificates' are allowed.' Once this sentence came out, everyone in officialdom understood. If a Politburo member and national-level official like Ma Xingrui has already been sent to court, the next strike is intended to fall directly on the national-level leaders.

There are actually two groups of national-level leaders in Beijing right now: one is still in office, namely the current members of the Politburo Standing Committee, and the other has already retired, the retired national-level veterans. The behavior of these two groups lately is diametrically opposed, yet both are permeated with a sense of trembling panic. Those in office are desperately trying to run out, rushing to publish articles to declare their stance, fearing they might fall even half a step behind; those who have retired are locking their doors tight, avoiding public appearances as much as possible, fearing that if they step out, they will be targeted. Let's talk about the group in office first: on November 3, 4, and 5, for three consecutive days, Wang Huning, Cai Qi, and Li Xi each published a signed article in the People's Daily, one after another. Just after the Fifth Plenary Session, several national-level Standing Committee members took turns writing articles as if they were handing in homework. Who is this written for? Is it for Xi, who has already read his resignation letter? To put it bluntly, it is all for Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, meaning: 'I am following closely, I am listening to instructions, and my hands are clean; please, do not take the knife to me.' But the rules of officialdom have always been this way: the more anxious someone is to jump out and swear an oath, the less confident they are inside.

Among all these individuals, the one who feels the most insecure and trembles the most is Cai Qi, who ranks fifth. During the years Cai Qi served as the party secretary of Beijing, he had two most capable core stewards under his command: one was Wei Xiaodong, who later became the chairman of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and the other was Xia Linmao, the executive vice mayor of Beijing. Wei Xiaodong was brought down in June this year, and Xia Linmao was brought down on October 22, just four days before the opening of the Fifth Plenary Session. More importantly, Xia Linmao was originally recommended to Cai Qi by Chen Xi, and Chen Xi himself had already been taken down. Wen Jiabao deliberately chose to strike at Xia Linmao four days before the Fifth Plenary Session, which was equivalent to pointing at Cai Qi's nose and telling him: the people watching the gate and guarding the house for you have been completely uprooted by me one by one; after uprooting them, your turn is next. Yet Cai Qi is still stubbornly holding on there. On November 6, when he met with the delegation of the Workers' Party of Korea in Beijing, as soon as he opened his mouth, he still brought up that old Xi visited North Korea in June this year and reached a series of important consensuses with Kim Jong-un. Everyone across the party knows very well that old Xi read his resignation letter at the Fifth Plenary Session, yet this Grand Secretary is still putting up a front for old Xi. Why doesn't Cai Qi dare to jump ship decisively like others? Because he is tied far too closely to old Xi. Cai Qi worked in Fujian for over a decade and is an elder-tier figure within the Fujian faction. After entering Beijing, he took charge of the General Office of the CCP Central Committee and the Central Security Bureau. Throughout these years, every time old Xi's health encountered issues, how many times a day he took medication during meetings, and how he was forced to read his resignation letter at the Fifth Plenary Session—every single top-secret matter passed through Cai Qi's hands. As a former grand secretary who knows so many core secrets, the new leadership is keeping him right now only to maintain the routine operations of the compound. Once the ballots for the 21st National Congress are sorted out and the new team is formed, how could they possibly let him go home peacefully to retire with a belly full of secrets?

Let's look at Li Xi, who is in the most awkward position and sitting on a volcano every day. Nominally, Li Xi is the seventh-ranking member of the Politburo Standing Committee at the national leader level, serving as the secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the boss who arrests others. But in reality, the daily work of the CCDI was handed over to Liu Jinguo long ago. Take the major event of replacing the discipline inspection secretary in Fujian on November 8 as an example: Liu Jinguo was the one orchestrating it from start to finish, and coupled with the two deputy secretaries promoted just in August—Zhang Zhong and Zhao Shihong—Li Xi cannot even get a hand in. Even more interestingly, in his signed article in the People's Daily on November 5, Li Xi gnashed his teeth and specifically pointed out phrases like the intertwining of political and economic issues, and political-business collusion. Yet on November 5, the exact same day his article was published, Ma Xingrui was formally prosecuted. Everyone, let's not forget what we discussed in previous episodes: Ma Xingrui and his wife are the financial planners for the big boss's wife's family, while Li Xi himself served as the provincial party secretary of Guangdong for five years. For over four of those five years, the governor of Guangdong province paired up with him was none other than Ma Xingrui. Ma Xingrui engaged in political-business collusion in Guangdong, approving projects for the white-glove networks of the big boss's family—could any of that have been done without provincial party secretary Li Xi nodding and signing off? Now that Ma Xingrui is in a detention center, once that messy ledger in Guangdong is flipped through from start to finish sooner or later, that phrase political-business collusion written by Li Xi in the newspaper will be taken out by Liu Jinguo and read out word by word directly to Li Xi himself.

As for Li Qiang and Ding Xuexiang, these two men are currently busy looking for a way out to jump ship. Look at the opening of the Shanghai Import Expo on November 5: for the previous three consecutive years, Li Qiang personally went to Shanghai to give a speech, but this year Li Qiang didn't go, and Ding Xuexiang was sent instead to take the fall. Li Qiang himself stayed in Beijing to meet foreign guests. Why doesn't Li Qiang dare to wander around East China? Li Qiang's hometown is Ruian, Wenzhou, Zhejiang. In April this year, a vice mayor of Wenzhou named Li Wuwen, who had served as the top leader in Ruian for five years, was so scared that he voluntarily ran to the discipline inspection commission to surrender. With the fire already burning at the front door of his ancestral family hall, how could Li Qiang not panic? But putting things in perspective, Li Qiang and Ding Xuexiang—one having served as old Xi's chief secretary in Zhejiang and the other as old Xi's chief secretary in Shanghai—are at their core weathercocks who only calculate profit ledgers. The Zhejiang faction was always a tray of scattered sand, and the Shanghai faction only partnered with old Xi to muddle through days; they have no reason to be buried along with old Xi. As long as the Hu-Wen faction gives a signal, the two of them will surely be among the first to turn their backs and hand over their bottom cards. Once they hand over old Xi's bottom cards and render meritorious service, they might actually manage to secure a dignified retirement upon reaching the age limit, and may not necessarily be dragged into a prison dungeon.

Ironically, the ones sitting most securely on the stage are Wang Huning and Zhao Leji. The Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference managed by Wang Huning has now become the stronghold of the reformists. This veteran advisor of three administrations reads the political winds the fastest and turned around long ago to operate according to the path of the Hu-Wen faction. As for Zhao Leji, as we discussed in our November 2 episode, he explicitly laid his cards on the table last year, stating that he was completely unaware of and had zero interest in succession, and that he would proudly retire upon turning seventy in 2027. With one having turned around to contribute effort and the other having voluntarily stepped aside to leave, Wen Jiabao naturally has no reason to make a move against them.

Looking at those on the stage, let's now push open the door and look at the group off the stage: the retired state-level elders are even more panicked and quiet than one another. First, look at Li Zhanshu. This former chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, who back then shouted about one-man supremacy by Xi Jinping's side and was the most enthusiastic, is now so frightened that he has closed his doors, claimed to be sick, and declined all visitors. Why is he faking illness and refusing to go out? Because those old subordinates he promoted in Guizhou and Heilongjiang are being uprooted one by one by Wen Jiabao these days. He hides at home feigning illness simply hoping to survive this disaster. Next, look at Zeng Qinghong and Zhang Dejiang. Zeng Qinghong is eighty-seven this year and Zhang Dejiang is eighty. These two are old, and their physical constitutions can least afford to be tossed around. Yet the trees want to be still, but the wind does not stop. Fu Chengyu, the former chairman of Sinopec and Zeng Qinghong's most capable old henchman in the petroleum gang, was officially announced to have fallen from grace on October 31. That massive family fortune that the Zeng family has accumulated in the petroleum system over so many years is now hanging in the air and could explode at any moment. As for Zhang Dejiang, during those years when he served as the chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, he personally changed the constitution for Old Xi and abolished the term limits for the state presidency—this is a major historical debt. Furthermore, when he was young, he studied abroad at Kim Il Sung University in North Korea, and those secret dealings and unresolved messy accounts with the Kim family in North Korea over the years still cannot be clearly explained to this day. Then there is Wang Qishan. He used to be in charge of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and then the financial sector; the old accounts passing through his hands are the most numerous, and legal troubles are inescapable. It is just that Wang Qishan also holds too many dark dossiers on others; whoever really wants to make a move against him must first weigh who he will bite and drag down before he dies.

Going around this circle of retired state-level figures, the one truly ranked at the top of the high-risk list is Jia Qinglin. Jia Qinglin is also eighty-six this year, but his most fatal trouble does not lie in his physical constitution but in Fujian. Jia Qinglin managed Fujian for a full eleven years, and back then the Xiamen Yuanhua smuggling scandal that shocked China and the world happened during his tenure. At that time, the Yuanhua case caused a massive uproar, and it was Old Xi who intervened in Fujian to protect Jia Qinglin's wife, Lin Youfang. From that very day onward, the lives of Jia Qinglin and Old Xi were tightly bound together, and no one could cut them apart. A while ago, Jia Qinglin's former chief of staff, Cai Fuchao, the former head of the State Administration of Radio and Television who had been retired for ten years, was directly taken down—this is killing the chicken to scare the monkey. Looking again at Wei Xiaokui's five months in Fujian, investigating all the way from Quanzhou and Nanping to Xiamen, he dug up all those old skeletons of the Fujian gang and Xiamen. Now that Wei Xiaokui has been replaced, he left carrying this thick dossier of Xiamen's dark accounts. Exactly whose hands this dossier will be delivered to in Beijing and whom it will target, the eighty-six-year-old Jia Qinglin sitting at home knows better than anyone else.

Friends, once this account of life and death is calculated to this point, the answer is already written on the tabletop. Among the state-level figures, who gets arrested first? On the stage, look at Cai Qi; off the stage, look at Jia Qinglin. Have you noticed that Cai Qi and Jia Qinglin are connected behind the scenes to the exact same place: Fujian? Cai Qi is the big brother in today's Xi faction Fujian gang, while Jia Qinglin is the founding patriarch of the Fujian gang who promoted Old Xi back then. At twelve-min-two noon on November 8, Wen Jiabao issued a transfer order replacing the secretary of the Fujian Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection with Shi Wenbin. Fujian is going to hold its provincial party congress this month, and Shi Wenbin, sitting in his Fuzhou office with the name list, is approving or disapproving each name one by one to see whose bottom line holds or collapses. On the surface, what is being blocked are the ballots of delegates from Fujian heading to Beijing for the 21st National Congress; in reality, following the vine to trace the roots leads straight to the dark foundations of both state-level figures, Cai Qi and Jia Qinglin. Conservative elders like Zeng Qinghong still held fantasies during the Fifth Plenary Session, thinking of persuading Old Xi to resign gracefully so as to allow everyone's families to land safely. Yet Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao this time are determined with a mortal resolve: one is holding down the fort in the military while the other is brandishing a knife at the front. Once these two make up their minds to eradicate evil completely, no matter who tries to pull them back, it won't work. Over the past week, Wen Jiabao has gone from publicly prosecuting Ma Xingrui to replacing twelve provincial party secretaries, and from taking over the Fujian Discipline Inspection Commission on the front line all the way to seizing control of the 2,360 ballots for the 21st National Congress. Before a single vote has even been cast, Wen Jiabao has completely locked the gates. As for these state-level figures inside Beijing city, those on the stage are still busy writing articles to pledge loyalty, while those off the stage tightly close their doors and dare not even breathe heavily. Everyone is trembling as they wait to see on which exact day Wen Jiabao's next knife will fall on the heads of Cai Qi and Jia Qinglin. Wen Jiabao has already guarded the gates of the 21st National Congress. As for how the high-ranking state-level officials inside the red walls will survive this winter, we won't go out of our way to worry about them. However, once the Beginning of Winter solar term passes, the chill grows heavier by the day; friends outside our screens building up your physical foundations solidly is better than anything else. Finally, let's take a look at a sponsor message.

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