CCP members each protecting themselves! Xi Jinping's core team is gradually splitting. "Real China"

This episode analyzes signs of fragmentation within Xi Jinping's core team. The host points out that Xi is pursuing a personal dictatorship, offending many people, and that he lacks a base in the military, which is his biggest dilemma. The article reviews the historical use of the Cultural Revolution during Mao Zedong's era to consolidate power and argues that Xi's situation is similar to Mao's at the time, but without military support Xi, even holding the positions of Chairman of the Central Military Commission, General Secretary, and President, is merely titular. The host predicts that Xi may step down at next year’s 21st Party Congress to seek a political compromise and avoid further national turmoil. The article concludes by emphasizing that Xi’s removal is crucial for the recovery of China’s political and economic landscape.

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Hello everyone, today we talk about Xi Jinping’s team. Currently, members of Xi’s team are gradually fragmenting. The reasons for the fragmentation are very clear. Xi is now on a dictatorial path, and many people know that this path, known since the Mao era, is not viable. Trying to control the country alone by any means is unlikely, because there are hundreds of such families within the Chinese Communist Party, with enormous wealth and power. Most importantly, these families firmly control the military. Xi himself has no base in the military, which is the biggest problem his family faces now. Another point: because Xi wants to establish personal dictatorship, he has offended many people, just like Mao did. In Mao’s era, when he tried to establish dictatorship, he offended many and his control over the military was not strong. He launched the Cultural Revolution, making the military a relatively neutral force, while the masses participated. He mobilized ordinary citizens into politics, creating a nationwide political movement. That is what Mao did. After the Cultural Revolution, those closest to Mao were largely purged. This is a real historical event that has become reality.

So, within Xi's core team, many have already seen that Xi is now called hard fighting, called a bully forcing his way. He got on this train and can't stop, but many can still choose sides. Now there are many people around Xi, his former partners, including during this period many media talking about Wang Xiaohong, who is now the Minister of Public Security. Wang Xiaohong is also being obedient now; he knows Xi is hard to control, and he was brought up by Xi. Everyone watches Xi's people, but he still maintains communication with other forces. So in many aspects Xi is actually a bit dissatisfied with him, including Dong Jun as well, the Minister of National Defense, the same. We outsiders watch Xi's various actions, and our judgments and predictions about him are also the predictions of every member of Xi's team. Everyone thinks Xi is actually not what everyone imagines. What does Xi mainly rely on? The Communist Party has three major positions, the first is Chairman of the Central Military Commission, Party Chairman. Let's first talk about Party Chairman. Actually within the Communist Party, the position of Party Chairman is not called Party Chairman, it is Party General Secretary. The Party has no chairman; the Party General Secretary is the highest position. Now the Communist Party calls it General Secretary, Xi General Secretary. From the history of the Communist Party to now, the Party General Secretary has had no term limit; he can continue indefinitely. This is the situation of the Party Chairman, so Xi Jinping can remain Party Chairman indefinitely.

Second, the position of Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Party Central Committee has no term limit; historically there has never been a term limit, and one can hold it indefinitely. Deng Xiaoping retired on his own accord. At that time he took a high stance, and later I stepped down from the Central Military Commission. After stepping down, it seems Yang Shangkun took over. After that, Jiang Zemin became Secretary and Chairman of the Central Military Commission. These two positions have never been defined. In fact, Deng Xiaoping only defined the state president, serving two consecutive terms. Deng Xiaoping was also relatively selfish. At that time, if Deng had changed all three positions and stipulated that the constitution could not be amended, this kind of dictator could still do everything. So Xi Jinping amended the constitution in March 2018, essentially adding a point that the state president can be re‑elected indefinitely. That means his three positions can be held forever. But everyone should know, who ultimately decides this so‑called “hold forever”? It is decided by the army, by the grassroots army, by the commanders of the major war zones, by these military heads, not by Xi Jinping. Xi, as Chairman of the Central Military Commission, has no real power; no one truly listens to him, and he cannot control the army. His three major titles—Chairman of the Central Military Commission, state president, and Party secretary—are meaningless, right? They are just external titles. The real soul of the country is the ultimate decision‑making power, which is the army. The army’s power comes from combat. Those who truly have strength have earned it on the battlefield. For example, why does the Kim family in North Korea have such power? Kim Jong‑un’s grandfather earned his authority through the army; he had prestige and massive support among soldiers. The same applies to Hun Sen in Cambodia, who is a former soldier. He led troops, originally a member of the Khmer Rouge, became dissatisfied with Pol Pot’s purges, fled to Vietnam, formed a force there under the Vietnamese communist organization, and returned to Cambodia to defeat the Khmer Rouge. These people all have combat records. Xi Jinping’s problem is that he has no combat record. He has neither political achievements nor a reputation, and his followers lack it as well. In this situation, even if he holds three titles—Chairman of the Central Military Commission, Party General Secretary, and state president—they are all empty. So why does he lavishly promote himself with massive propaganda? Because he knows he has no foundation. If he had a foundation, he wouldn’t need to promote himself. Look at Hun Sen in Cambodia; does he need promotion? He controls the entire country, and everyone is his confidant. The most important thing is where his confidants are—within the army. Xi currently has none. Which military generals have followed Xi? He came from politics, and none of his subordinates are in the army. Not a single person—no Chen Ming’er, Li Qiang, Cai Qi, etc. His military foundation relies on Zhang Youxia, Li Shangfu, Liu Zhenli, and these people have been eliminated by him. In such a case, the military tends to think: I have been in this place for a long time, I have long‑standing relationships. The army is a closed institution that resists external forces. Therefore, Xi has no foundation in the military, which is his weakest point, and that weakest point is often fatal.

So, Xi Jinping at the 21st National Congress is like this now; I estimate that by the end of August, he will be there. If he says he will go, by the end of August he cannot complete his Western dynasty. Then by next October, roughly next autumn, the five‑yearly Party Congress, the 21st Congress, will likely be in October next year. I estimate that in October next year, if the Party Congress opens, he should step down from some positions, such as possibly relinquishing the General Secretary role. The Central Committee might do so because he will be seventy‑four next year. If he remains the sole leader, he will be seventy‑nine, and at seventy‑nine, with him in that position, the country will be chaotic. He knows this very well. He does not want the country to fall into chaos, even though there are many “military second‑generation” and “official second‑generation” figures. In this situation, what to do? We need to find a compromise path. There are two ways to step down. One is a sudden illness, which is abrupt. The other is that at the 21st Congress he could completely resign, after which a military or official second‑generation could be promoted, and everyone would be safe. Then a power transition event could be arranged. Xi’s family could completely withdraw from politics, the military, and the Party—perhaps that would be the outcome. Since Xi is also a standard “official second‑generation,” others might not target him, and some of his assets could be handed over, just as the Deng family did. The CCP conducts periodic purges, and assets are partially handed over, ending the matter, after which reform and opening up might need to restart. In fact, Xi has already disrupted the reform‑and‑opening process. Originally the country was developing well, earning more, and people’s lives were improving. Now people can barely survive. If Xi were to abdicate in October at the 21st Congress next year, it would benefit the nation’s politics and economy across the board. Everyone would be safe, people would see hope, and property values would rise. Without a dictatorship, foreign investment could gradually return, capital would flow back, and people would feel safe—this is the best scenario. Currently, the only way for the country to gradually return to normal is for Xi to step down, which is the sole method, the only way. As long as Xi remains in power, he is widely condemned domestically, within the Party, the military, the government, and abroad. Xi has reached a point where he is performing alone. Now, his ascent is supported by the military; if the military stops supporting him, he is finished. At the 21st Congress, we must see whether Xi can pass the first hurdle on August 30—can he get past it? Is his ambition still expanding? Can he abandon his family’s succession? By August 31 the situation will boil over. Next year is the second hurdle—whether he can pass the position hurdle. If he abdicates, the country can slowly, step by step, regain relative calm. The nation is currently unsettled; everyone is gearing up, looking for ways to bring him down.

This is how it is now. Alright, that's all for this topic. The Communist Party is messing things up! Look, the country itself is fine, you come in, everyone lifts the national economy, how great, the people's lives are good, and we wouldn't end up at today's situation. Now the entire country's economy has collapsed. That's the present. In the future, after Xi Jinping steps down, there may be a series of policies that could change the country, and everyone must guard against people like Xi Jinping rising to power. Alright, thank you all for watching, see you in the next program.