反贼网
Machine translation · the Chinese original is authoritative · View original

没筹码的妥协,只会让敌人发笑|反共运动现实主义回应万润南“四点原则”

1# · OP Author:Eric V Published:2025-05-31 02:59 Replies:0 Views:103 Permalink:fanzei.net/d_2222gk

20250531 030309

Compromise without leverage only makes your enemy laugh.

I would like to offer a different perspective on Mr. Wan Runnan’s “Four Fundamental Principles for the Future.”

These four points are polished and elegant—likely more appealing to gentlemen and ladies who favor a path of high-level civility. For instance, one states: “We must compromise, don’t corner your opponent.” To that, I would like to gently ask: What exactly do you have to compromise with?

Are your forces pressing at the gates? Have you launched a sweeping national movement? Do you hold any leverage that would cause the Party-state leaders to lose sleep in fear? Or is it… just some online articles and videos?

I don’t need to exaggerate—I can tell you plainly: if you show lines like “we must leave the CCP room to retreat, never corner them” to state security officers, they’d probably laugh out loud.

Many know how to say the right things in the name of civility. But when it comes to real-world politics, we must understand priorities—what matters most at each stage, especially the current one.

Who’s cornering whom right now? Is the issue really that we are too unyielding, too harsh? Or rather—have we not even applied enough pressure to deserve a seat at the negotiating table?

To play the game, you must first have a seat at the table. I urge you to remain sober-minded about the current state of the pro-democracy, anti-CCP movement: we haven’t yet built a mature opposition force. We’re still far from that table. In this phase, and likely for a long time to come, our primary task is to build and exert sufficient pressure—not to talk compromise when we hold no chips.

As for the other three principles—such as providing a dignified exit mechanism, trusted intermediaries for dialogue, and maintaining ambiguity—they can all be boiled down to one core idea: protect the CCP’s feelings and let them retire gracefully.

These don’t need to be formalized as guiding principles. Once the opposition matures, it will naturally develop extensive communication networks—public and secret, official and informal, direct and via third parties. Dialogue won’t be a problem then.

At that point, seasoned political actors will naturally emerge to negotiate exits and compromises. They’ll know when to be ambiguous—and when to be unyielding.

If a less bloody outcome allows the CCP to exit gracefully, of course I support it. In fact, even if they merely rebrand themselves and stay on stage as part of a two-party system, I’d advise not to slam the door on that possibility.

I go even further than most: I’m willing to grant pardons and lenient treatment to former security agents who once suppressed dissent—despite how many victims of theirs would gladly tear them apart given the chance.

Why? Because I know that to truly win, we must win over people from inside the system—including those from the military, and even the feared agents from the security apparatus. Without defections from those systems, it is impossible to bring down the CCP. Mark my words.

Of course, some within the secret system are already in contact with me. In fact, many of them are closely watching my situation and what happens to me—and this clearly makes the Party-state uncomfortable.

The reason is simple: many of them have done terrible things. But as someone who protected a target from within—a double agent—I am arguably the “cleanest” among them. If even I cannot be united with, don’t dream about winning them over. They will not come to your side.

Mild and polished proposals do appeal to Chinese audiences raised on the virtue of moderation. But precisely because of that, they often descend into vague platitudes—lots of talk, no action. And even when such proposals are accepted, it’s often just for show. Beneath the surface lie jealousy, defamation, sabotage, passive aggression... Is that what you call a spirit of compromise?

A truly mature opposition knows how to prioritize and act accordingly at each stage.

When it’s time to be unyielding, be firmer than stone.

When the moment calls for flexibility, bend like the willow.

And when the time comes to lay down old grudges and reconcile, even if others still shout for vengeance, you must sheath your sword with the same conviction with which you once drew it.

Building a democratic constitutional republic—founding a free new nation—is a task as vast as moving mountains and reshaping oceans.

If you are committed to this cause, ask yourself, and ask the movement behind you:

Do you truly possess the stature and vision worthy of founding a nation?

Related topics June 4, 1989 Tiananmen crackdown Democratic Movement anti-CCP movement Anti-Communist Theory Democratic transition June Fourth remembrance political realism Wan Runnan Student Movement Leaders student protests Tiananmen inside the system
Replies (0)

No replies yet — be the first to comment

Post a reply