关于V字旅的几点说明

反共. I know you have been monitoring and printing my posts every day. After some individuals appeared in public yesterday, you held an emergency meeting. I also know that you have been using previously published photos of our members to hunt us down. Moreover, I am aware that you once issued directives against us to cooperating overseas Chinese merchants. But given his current situation, I doubt it turned out the way you expected, right?

I’ll get back to you later, but first, let me respond to a few questions from potential allies who wish to engage with us:

We welcome cooperation but handle it with caution.

The V Brigade is not a political party and has no intention of engaging in complex political designs. Many tasks should be left to future legislators. At this stage, it is premature to dwell on such matters. Moreover, having a paramilitary organization overstep its role from the outset does not seem to align with constitutional logic, don’t you think?

We support the will represented by democratically elected institutions. If the platform and actions of a particular political party align with our expectations, we will support it. If neither of these emerges for an extended period, we may consider forming our own party when necessary. In fact, the Chinese-speaking world is not lacking in individuals with modern parliamentary capabilities. Personally, I find certain individuals quite competent.

As for political allies, we prefer to be upfront before forming deeper trust. If you have demands, don’t hide them—lay everything out on the table. The V Brigade envisions itself as the predecessor of the future national defense and security intelligence system. This means that when the time comes, we hope to take the lead in rebuilding the military and security system. The struggle to overthrow the CCP will be bloody and brutal, and we will undoubtedly sacrifice many. For those of us dedicated to this field, such an expectation is only natural. If other organizations prove to be more professional in these areas and make even greater sacrifices, we would naturally support their claims to leadership in these fields as well.

Now, a few words for those in the Party-State camp:

First, I have no particular enthusiasm for a purge-style reckoning after regime change. While vetting will be necessary, the vast majority of civil servants from the former regime will not be significantly affected. Their personal and financial security, including pensions, will be safeguarded, and many will even be retained.

Second, due to my historical connections with the security apparatus, I may be more lenient toward you and have more pragmatic plans. Aside from those who have committed serious crimes, some collaborators may be granted amnesty, and many will likely be retained to carry out the new government’s directives—such as hunting down criminals of the former regime. After all, who would be more familiar with those old acquaintances than you?

The downfall of the CCP may be a long and bloody process, and tactical exchanges between us are to be expected. As long as they fall within professional duties and follow the rules of engagement, we can take them in stride. But it’s best not to cross the line.

I don’t think I need to spell out what “crossing the line” means. We are all seasoned players and understand it well. However, let’s make one thing explicitly clear—no need for pretense or empty courtesies: any malicious action against our members or my personal safety will result in retaliation. Those involved in executing or making such decisions may face sudden and unannounced elimination.

Struggles are always cruel, but they also always come to an end. I advise exercising necessary restraint to ensure that China’s transition involves as little bloodshed as possible. You should also hope that it is me handling your historical reckoning—if it were someone else, I fear they would be far less lenient toward you.