我们需要什么样的政治家？——在社达与泛道德主义夹缝中前行
我们需要什么样的政治家？如果民主反共运动有一个成熟稳健的阵营和生态，则取代中共指日可待。可惜的是，目前并没有。各种声音分散在社交媒体上，许多人以抓流量为主，醉心于吃人血馒头时的狂欢，自己却不愿推进系统性的行动，且相互间也谈不上专业的协作，只能算小圈子小帮派。嫉妒、诋毁、撕逼……成为常态。而除了粉红五毛，即便是反共网民，也有相当多的人对各类听床、谣言、阴谋论乐此不疲，甚至被各种假冒的“陈佩斯”、“孙海英”……忽悠得一愣一愣的。我们可以看到，在许多仅凭常识就能判断的问题上，犯迷糊且坚持不愿醒的人何其多！
在这种情况下，即便有一批优秀且正直的知识分子站出来，也很难清淤，相反还有可能被各种居心叵测的小人煽动起来的群氓搞得焦头烂额乃至心灰意冷。
这是难免的，搞政治，多数情况下就是在与小人缠斗，而立场不同的君子攻击起你来，有时甚至比小人还激烈，因为小人还会惜命，君子认定了一条道儿，可以不怕死走到黑。
在如此复杂的环境下，灵活权变是一个现代政客的基本素质，在与小人和君子打交道的同时，不能手足无措进退失据。
但一个伟大的政治家，一定得有自己的核心理想和理念，有自己的坚持和原则。用最通俗的话讲：就是要有钢铁般的意志。
特别是在丛林社达泛滥的华人政治环境下，没有点信仰加持的意志，很难坚持，并可能迅速的堕落和庸俗化。
除了坚定的意志，一个成熟的政治家，还有一大特点是组织能力。这不是所谓的网红吸粉能力，网红与粉丝的关系，比同林鸟的夫妻更加脆弱，所以这些网红，往往也只满足并止步于个人利益的需求。而政治家的组织能力，要看是否能组织并团结志同道合者，有计划有步骤有耐心的向同一个目标和愿景迈进，并能为此忍受必要的牺牲。
令人期待的是，有些有志之士，愿意向现实政治真正需要的方向推进。
我愿诚恳的给这些同道们两个常被忽视的小建议：
一，一定要高度重视系统化的军事斗争，并在构建军事斗争能力的过程中切实掌握物理性的政治力量。华人的政治环境，不会对动口不动手的君子留下太多宽容和温情，只会嘲笑秀才造反十年不成。除了中共，还有大大小小各种隐藏的影子在伺机给你致命一击。小人畏威不畏德，然小人又何其多，没有物理性的处理和威慑力量，软弱无力将如影随形，任何高尚的理念和计划都难以实现。
二，不要在政治实践时迷失在泛道德主义的陷阱里。道德当然是政治的核心要素之一，政治家更不应让自己的理想堕落和庸俗化。坚持高尚的追求，并尽可能的追求程序正义，是值得称赞的原则。但是，务必要警惕道德优越感之下一个常常出现的问题，那就是主动或被动的陷入泛道德主义的困境中。我们不是在与中共和平友好的政治协商，而是在进行一场集团对抗式的政治斗争。无论怎么看待和评价政治斗争，在实际操作中，它都有自己无情的游戏规则与客观规律，是真正的顺之者昌逆之者亡。这里面有大量灰色和黑色的地带是不得不面对的，有许多残酷的抉择也是当事人不得不去决定的，如果陷入泛道德主义的陷阱，就会跟历史上许多人和许多政治集团一样，以令人扼腕却又难以避免的覆灭而收场。
好的政治家总是爱惜羽毛的，但只有伟大的政治家，才敢于在污水泼天的地方，牺牲个人名节，为他人闯出一条路来。
What Kind of Politician Do We Need? — Navigating Between Social Darwinism and Moral Purism
If the pro-democracy and anti-CCP movement had a mature and stable ecosystem and camp, the replacement of the Chinese Communist Party would be within reach. Unfortunately, this is not the case. Various voices are scattered across social media, with many people focused on chasing views, indulging in the frenzy of exploiting tragic events for attention, yet unwilling to advance any systemic action. There is little professional collaboration among them, only cliques and factions. Jealousy, defamation, and infighting have become the norm.
Even beyond the CCP’s internet trolls, many anti-CCP users on the internet are obsessed with gossip, rumors, and conspiracy theories, falling for fake personas like "Chen Peisi" or "Sun Haiying" with embarrassing gullibility. We can clearly see that even on issues that common sense can easily judge, there are many who remain confused and stubbornly refuse to wake up.
In such circumstances, even if a group of outstanding and upright intellectuals stands up, it’s incredibly hard to clean the murky waters. On the contrary, they may find themselves worn out or even disheartened by mobs manipulated by malicious actors.
This is to be expected. In politics, one often battles with scoundrels. And gentlemen who differ in stance can sometimes attack more viciously than scoundrels—scoundrels value their lives, but gentlemen, once convinced of a cause, may go to the bitter end fearlessly.
In this complex environment, adaptability is a basic quality of any modern politician. When dealing with both scoundrels and gentlemen, one must not become flustered or lose direction.
But a great politician must also possess a core set of ideals and principles—an unyielding will of steel.
Especially within the Chinese political landscape, rife with jungle-style Social Darwinism, it’s nearly impossible to persevere or avoid degeneration and vulgarity without the support of strong belief and inner conviction.
Beyond unwavering willpower, a seasoned politician must also possess organizational ability. This is not the same as influencer-style fan-gathering. The bond between influencers and followers is even more fragile than a fleeting marriage. These influencers often only pursue personal gain and stop there. But a politician's organizational strength lies in their ability to unite like-minded individuals, and to lead them—patiently and strategically—toward a common goal, even at the cost of sacrifice.
Encouragingly, some aspiring individuals are genuinely moving toward what real-world politics demands.
To those comrades, I sincerely offer two often-overlooked suggestions:
First, place high importance on developing a systematic capacity for military struggle, and in the process of building it, gain tangible, physical political power. In the Chinese political environment, there is little tolerance or sympathy for the eloquent but powerless gentleman. People laugh at the scholar’s failed rebellion. Beyond the CCP, many lurking shadows wait for the chance to strike you down. The wicked fear power, not virtue—and they are everywhere. Without a capacity for physical confrontation and deterrence, weakness will haunt you like a shadow. Lofty ideals and plans will be difficult to realize.
Second, do not lose yourself in the trap of moral purism during political practice. Morality is, of course, a core element of politics, and politicians should not allow their ideals to degenerate into vulgar self-interest. Upholding high aspirations and procedural justice is admirable. But beware of the danger beneath moral superiority—that is, the trap of moral absolutism. We are not negotiating peacefully with the CCP; we are engaged in a political struggle between hostile groups. Regardless of one’s views, this struggle follows its own ruthless rules and objective logic—survival for the obedient, destruction for the defiant. Many gray and dark areas must be confronted. Many harsh decisions must be made. Those who fall into moral absolutism often end up as historical tragedies—pitiful, but predictable.
A good politician cherishes their reputation.But only a great politician dares to wade into the filth, to sacrifice their own name and honor, and carve out a path for others to follow.