Is Xi Jinping's 'Red Swallow' infiltrating officials and half the world? Hu and Wen hold the bed-side secrets Xi fears most! Did Jensen Huang admit to an affair in 10 days to clear himself of 'colluding with the CCP' suspicions? [Jiang Feng Vision 20261110 Episode 536]
This episode explores the incident where Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang urgently admitted to an extramarital affair to avoid suspicions of collaborating with the Chinese Communist Party, after a female executive close to him, Le Huang, was accused of being a state security (MSS) asset. Using this as a springboard, the video deeply analyzes the institutional operation of the CCP's long-term deployment of female intelligence operatives (known as "red swallows") to infiltrate Western political and business circles and monitor high-ranking officials internally. Combined with historical cases and recent developments such as the downfall of Zhong Shaojun and Hu and Wen holding key archives, the program analyzes the internal power struggles and geopolitical games within Zhongnanhai.
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Hello friends, welcome to Jiang Feng Horizon. Late in the night on November 8, Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang sent an email to the entire company, writing paragraph after paragraph of apologies to his wife and children. When mentioning that the media exposed the woman by his side working for state security (MSS), he merely brushed it off by saying the board of directors is investigating and he is cooperating. Ten days ago he still said everything was completely normal, but ten days later he rushed to admit to an affair, confessing to a scandal in the bedroom to escape the grave crime of collaborating with the CCP. This is called cutting off the tail to survive, but this tail cannot be cut off because Le Huang is merely a swallow, while the person in Zhongnanhai holds an entire Red Detachment of Women. Outwardly, they filmed all the way from the Shanghai consulate to the New York governor's office and into Silicon Valley; inwardly, they chained every single high-ranking official of their own. He heads the National Security Commission and signs the intelligence laws—this web was personally deployed and commanded by him. Yet the most ruthless aspect of this machine is that it spares no one. Zhong Shaojun, the close personal secretary who followed Xi Jinping for over twenty years, was just stripped of his party membership by the Fifth Plenary Session, and Xi's own bedside archives are now grasped in the hands of Hu and Wen. In this episode, we start from a Japanese cipher officer who hanged himself at the Shanghai consulate and go all the way to a boss's romantic history that caused five booksellers to go missing, breaking down Jensen Huang's ten days first.
On October 29, the New York Times broke the news that U.S. intelligence agencies determined the Singaporean female executive by his side, Le Huang, was an asset recruited by the Ministry of State Security. That same day, Jensen Huang was quite tough with Bloomberg, saying his interactions with her were completely normal and purely business, and the U.S. government had never warned him. Going back further to September 24, at a White House state banquet hosting the person in Zhongnanhai, Jensen Huang walked in arm-in-arm with his wife Lori—they were the most respectable model couple in the U.S. business world. By November 8, the model husband tore up this face himself. Why? Because on the U.S. gambling table, the stakes for these two matters differ by a hundred thousand miles. An affair costs face and at most sends you to family court to split assets, but if it is proven that you colluded while knowing the other person was a person from state security (MSS), that means federal investigation, congressional subpoenas, a stock market crash, and quite possibly a trip to federal prison. Jensen Huang rushed to nail himself to the pillar of adultery before the congressional subpoena hit his face precisely to lock a major state security case tightly behind the bedroom door. But can the door be locked?
At 10:56 AM on November 9, Beijing time, a blogger on X broke the news that an influential figure in Beijing told them there is a female department within state security (MSS). The specific duties were not detailed, but the blogger was told to check the front-page headlines and see who Jensen Huang's affair partner was. So let's take a look at this Huang Le. Before going to Singapore, she was a ruthless player in the Shanghai capital circle, having served as deputy general manager and executive director of Hexi Investment, a Shanghai private equity firm. In 2014, Hexi used leveraged tactics to help Songjiang boss Gu Guoping seize control of the listed company Huiqiu Technology. Gu Guoping's Feixun later exploded into the Lianbi Finance major case, victimizing over 1.1 million people. Gu Guoping was sentenced to life imprisonment, and Hexi was fined 17.7 million yuan by the China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC), yet Huang Le's name was conspicuously absent from that penalty notice. Lin Tao, the former deputy party secretary of Songjiang State-owned Assets who took over the aftermath after the Feixun scandal broke, was already sentenced for accepting bribes. Chen Yujian, the former Songjiang district chief at the time, was promoted all the way to Shanghai vice mayor, only to be taken down by the CCP Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) on June 10 this year. The official announcement did not link Chen Yujian to Feixun, but victims had long posted online accusing him of acting as a protective umbrella. A woman who maneuvered freely in both official and commercial circles in Shanghai and emerged unscathed from an 80 billion yuan fundraising scandal could simply change stages and sit beside the boss of the world's most valuable company. This is the playbook of a new generation of swallows. She is not some hostess picked up in a nightclub; she holds billions of dollars in orders. No matter how many times she meets with Jensen Huang, it counts as normal business communication. She understands chips, speaks fluent English, and can chat into the small hours with Jensen Huang, who loves visiting night markets and drinking whiskey. She does not talk to you about political doctrines; she talks to you about industry pain points and how clueless those politicians in Washington are about technology. When you treat her as a confidante, every sigh you heave beside your wine glass might turn into a telegram sent back to Beijing. In the intelligence community, this is called social engineering.
What is most thought-provoking is Washington. According to The New York Times, Trump heard this intelligence briefing about a year ago and chose to stand pat. According to Bloomberg, Nvidia specifically asked the US government whether it should cut off business with Huang Le's company, and Washington replied with three words: no need. Why? Because over the past year or more, Jensen Huang has been the hottest tech tycoon around Trump. Who knows Trump's bottom card on the chip war best? Who just stepped down from a dinner table at the White House? It is him. What Beijing has always been eyeing is never just chips, but that American bottom card locked in Jensen Huang's mind. Huang Le is neither the first nor the last; this craft is something the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was born with. In 1931, the Qiongya Red Army in Hainan established a women's special operations company, which later served as the prototype for the film Red Detachment of Women. According to the CCP's own official media memoirs, the battle that made this female soldier company famous was at Shamaoling, where they feigned defeat and lured Nationalist troops into an ambush circle. The pursuers chased all the way while shouting to capture them alive, promising the captor could keep whoever they caught. The famous battle of the Red Detachment of Women involved acting as bait. More than ninety years later, the bait has changed costumes and battlefields. There has long been a rumor circulating overseas that back in the 1980s, Beijing ran a Red Detachment of Women project, specifically selecting female students with good appearances and foreign language skills from foreign language universities and sending them abroad to approach foreign dignitaries and business tycoons. This rumor has no official documents to verify, but as you look at the following cases, you will understand why people keep believing it.
Let's pull the camera lens back to the early morning of May 6, 2004. A Japanese diplomat in charge of cryptographic communications at the Japanese Consulate General in Shanghai hanged himself inside the consulate, leaving behind several suicide notes. According to disclosures by the Yomiuri Shimbun, the notes stated that he was relentlessly pursued by someone suspected to be Chinese police (Public Security). The items the other party wanted were clear: telegrams sent to Tokyo, the encryption systems of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the roster of all consulate personnel, and the flights transporting diplomatic secrets. What did they use to blackmail him? Japanese media reported it was his relationship with a karaoke hostess in Shanghai. Caught between betraying his country and social ruin, this man chose a third path: death. The Japanese government lodged four protests with Beijing over this, and cryptographic systems across global embassies and consulates were completely replaced. The explanation given by Beijing was dismissive, consisting of four words: work pressure. The story has a second half. In 2006, a Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force non-commissioned officer stationed on Tsushima Island, who specifically monitored passing warships, was found to have traveled privately to Shanghai several times. He met a woman working at a karaoke bar, which Japanese media reported was the exact same establishment frequented by the aforementioned cryptographic officer. Two Japanese men consecutively fell into the very same net.
By the time Old Xi took power, the "swallows" were no longer lurking in karaoke bars; they had flown directly into the heart of Western power. On January 13, 2022, the office of the Speaker of the British House of Commons sent a warning from MI5 directly to the email inboxes of every Member of Parliament, naming a female lawyer named Christine Lee. MI5 stated that she had been working with the CCP's United Front Work Department to funnel money to MPs and build relationships. The office of a senior Labour MP had received hundreds of thousands of pounds from her, and the MP's son was even working under her. Then look at Linda Sun in New York, who worked her way up to Deputy Chief of Staff to Governor Kathy Hochul. She could even intervene in the wording of the Governor's office's external communications. In September 2024, she and her husband were taken away by federal agents from their $3.5 million mansion on Long Island. The list the prosecution laid out in court was more dramatic than a movie: she blocked Taiwanese officials from meeting with the Governor, deleted references to Xinjiang Uyghurs from state government statements, and forged the Governor's signature to help Chinese officials obtain visas. In exchange, she received Ferraris, luxury handbags, and Nanjing salted duck personally prepared by a Chinese official's private chef. The prosecution even showed the jury her phone case, which was printed with the words "Good Fortune and Wealth." In December 2025, after the jury deadlocked, the prosecution announced a retrial. As for the story of Fang Fang, who was cozy with a U.S. Congressman in California, everyone has already heard it. With all these incidents piling up, the U.S. government finally could not sit still. In January 2025, the U.S. Embassy in China issued a ban unlike anything seen since the end of the Cold War: U.S. government personnel in China, their families, and contractors with security clearances were strictly prohibited from dating or having sexual relations with Chinese citizens. The Americans are no longer guarding against a single swallow; they are guarding against an entire swallow's nest.
Who is the owner of this nest? In 2014, the Central National Security Commission was established, with that person in Zhongnanhai as its chairman. In 2017, when the National Intelligence Law was promulgated, his name was on the chairman's order. Article 7 states in black and white that any organization or citizen shall support, assist, and cooperate with national intelligence work. Chen Yixin, who watches over the Ministry of State Security for him, even published a signed article in September 2026, solemnly warning that artificial intelligence carries a high risk of large-scale leaks. At the same time, U.S. intelligence agencies determined that Ministry of State Security personnel were standing behind the boss of the world's largest AI chip company, glass in hand. It is not unfair to say that this web was personally deployed and commanded by Old Xi. Speaking of this, friends who have followed Jiang Feng all the way from the Shanghai Consulate to the New York Governor's office probably have dry eyes by now. Once the beginning of winter passes, the days get colder and the nights get longer; we must take good care of our own health.
When swallows fly abroad, it is to steal technology and probe for bottom lines, but the CCP uses this craft most ruthlessly on the bedsides of its own people. Do you remember Lei Zhengfu? On November 15, 2012, just after Old Xi became General Secretary, an indecent video was leaked online five days later, on November 20. The protagonist was Lei Zhengfu, the Party Secretary of Beibei District, Chongqing. He was taken down in sixty-three hours. Later, when the lawsuit began, the inside story was even more terrifying than the video. Chongqing developer Xiao Ye hired young women like Zhao Hongxia to specifically target officials and secretly film them in bed, then used the tapes to demand construction projects. The tapes were locked in a safe for years; usually, everything was fine, but the moment you disobeyed, they would appear online right on schedule. This batch of tapes didn't just take down Lei Zhengfu; in January 2013, Chongqing dismissed ten more officials in one go, all of whom had been filmed by the same group. A developer held half of a municipality's officialdom in his hands with just a few tapes. Would you call this a gangster tactic or the standard operating procedure of this system? After Old Xi took over, this practice was simply written into central documents. On December 5, 2014, the Central Committee issued a notice regarding Zhou Yongkang. In the same notice, the previous sentence mentioned leaking Party and state secrets, and the next sentence mentioned adultery with multiple women and engaging in power-for-sex and money-for-sex transactions. It was the first time in history that a former Politburo Standing Committee member was described by his own Party in black and white as engaging in power-for-sex transactions. The following year, the CCP revised its Regulations on Disciplinary Action, changing "adultery" to "engaging in improper sexual relations with others." From then on, this phrase became a regular guest in Central Commission for Discipline Inspection notices. That page by the bedside had officially entered the organization's toolbox.
The woman most rumored to be involved in the Zhou Yongkang case was CCTV anchor Shen Bing. She was transferred directly from the anchor desk to become the deputy director of the Information Center of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission. Outsiders all said she was Zhou Yongkang's confidante, but in the eyes of the special investigation team, she was just a walking filing cabinet. If she were to speak, how many secrets would remain regarding whom Zhou Yongkang met, what he received, and with whom he discussed personnel matters? Even the military intelligence agencies play this game. On July 31, 2011, actress Shao Xiaoshan suddenly fired off a post on Weibo, claiming that since she was seventeen, she had been targeted by the Second Department of the General Staff, forced to date the sons of Western diplomats to extract intelligence. An even more extraordinary detail: in 2003, a bureau chief of the Second Department of the General Staff invited her and her father to dinner, and after the meal, insisted on taking her father to a nightclub to find a prostitute. Her agent confirmed that she had posted the message herself, but a few hours later, the post was wiped clean. An intelligence bureau chief enthusiastically arranging prostitutes for a cadre's family—laymen see it as hospitality, but insiders see through it at a glance: the moment you enter that room, your leverage enters his file. Looking at that revelation on X about the 'second life secretary,' at the level of a Politburo member, the organization usually assigns a person of the opposite sex. This set-up is not a new invention. Mao Zedong's confidential secretary, Zhang Yufeng, started as a service attendant on the special train and eventually managed the leader's documents and daily life; personnel relations were entirely in the hands of the General Office of the CCP Central Committee and the security system. Let's push this according to the rules of this machine: a local official is just promoted to the Politburo, goes on a business trip, and stays in a special suite at a provincial guesthouse. The personnel relations of the life secretary responsible for his daily life are not in his hands, but in the hands of the General Office and the security system. The leader gets frustrated at a meeting during the day, drinks a few extra glasses at night, complains to the person beside his pillow about how the superiors don't understand the economy, and in the middle of the night, makes a call to an old subordinate behind people's backs. The leader thinks this is pillow talk, but to the organization, this is 'intelligence.' At what time, what the mood was, whose name was mentioned, how many pills were taken—by the next morning, this might turn into a page of a briefing sent into the safe of a higher level. The person the organization sends to your bedside is not a benefit; it is a collar around your neck. Inside the Red Wall, sex is never a romantic affair; sex is a file, a 'tribute' (toumingzhuang), and a hostage. Whoever holds the bedside files of others is the master of this game.
Speaking of which, the most ironic twist of this whole drama comes here: the person at the pinnacle, sitting in Zhongnanhai with the Ministry of State Security in one hand and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection in the other, sending out 'swallows' to hunt Jensen Huang while using bedside files to keep the entire court under tight surveillance, thinks that everyone in the world is running naked under his lens, and only he is the one watching from the shadows. But he forgot the iron law of this meat grinder: in a system where everyone monitors everyone, no one is safe, including the one watching the screen. The example of the previous dynasty is right there: on February 6, 2012, Wang Lijun rushed into the U.S. Consulate General in Chengdu overnight. He stayed inside for more than thirty hours, and when he came out, it was Vice Minister of State Security Qiu Jin who personally brought him back to Beijing. A police chief carrying a belly full of secrets defects, and in the end, it is the Ministry of State Security that comes to clean up. This machine has always been about 'our own' cleaning up 'our own.' More than two months later, The New York Times reported that Chongqing under Bo Xilai was heavily engaged in wiretapping, even recording calls between Hu Jintao and central officials visiting Chongqing. A local feudal lord daring to wiretap the General Secretary. Zhou Yongkang was even more extreme; the 2015 verdict stated that he handed over five top-secret and one confidential document to a 'master' named Cao Yongzong. A former Standing Committee member who held the files of the entire nation's people personally handed state secrets to a charlatan.
Looking at Ling Jihua, his story starts in the early morning of March 18, 2012, when a black Ferrari was smashed to pieces on Beijing's North Fourth Ring Road. The driver was his son, Ling Gu, and there were two young women in the car. According to later overseas media reports, Ling Jihua's first reaction was not transparency, but a news blackout. A man in charge of the country's highest state secrets first locked up the scandal of his own family. Half a year later, he was transferred away from the General Office of the CCP Central Committee. From 2007 to 2012, he served for five years as the director of the General Office, managing precisely the secretaries, guards, and confidential staff around the central leaders. In 2016, he was sentenced to life imprisonment, and his charges included illegally obtaining state secrets. Why would a man in charge of secrets still need to illegally obtain them? His younger brother, Ling Wancheng, fled to the United States in 2014, and according to US media reports, took away a large batch of confidential materials. What on earth was inside those boxes whose files belonged to whom, Beijing still cannot sleep peacefully to this day. Now, this boomerang has finally swung back to pierce the back of Xi Jinping's own heart. Zhong Shaojun had been by Xi Jinping's side as a secretary ever since Xi was in Zhejiang, following him all the way to Shanghai, into Beijing, and finally being sent into the August 1 Building to become the director of the General Office of the Central Military Commission, guarding the gates of the Military Commission for Xi. What kind of place is the General Office of the Military Commission? The Military Commission Chairman's document approvals, itinerary, who gets to see the Chairman, and whose reports get submitted all pass through this single bottleneck. By stuffing his own top secretary into this bottleneck, Xi Jinping was equivalent to planting one of his own ears right inside the August 1 Building. At the end of October 2026, the Fifth Plenary Session confirmed the expulsion of Zhong Shaojun from the Party. What was inside the mind of a close personal secretary was not the two upholds in the documents, but the other face of the leader behind closed doors. Over these twenty-odd years, which people outside the itinerary did Xi Jinping meet, which people were arranged into which state-owned enterprises or government offices, which words were only spoken on the special train or in the reception guesthouse did these matters pass through Zhong Shaojun's hands? Now that this man is sitting across the interrogation table from someone else, what did he confess and to whom did he confess it? Xi Jinping himself has no idea.
So where is that copy belonging to the one at the very peak? Let us first look at a point in time. The earliest batch of posts about rumors surrounding Xi Jinping that can be found overseas dates back to March 11, 2012, saying that when he was governing Fuzhou, he had an unusual relationship with a local television female anchor. The posts even cited the claims of so-called Fujian officials. No one has yet produced a smoking gun for the truth or falsehood of those posts, but the time they popped up was even more fatal than the content. A month earlier, Wang Lijun had just rushed into the US Consulate. Four days later, on March 15, Bo Xilai was removed from his post as secretary of the Chongqing Municipal Party Committee. That was when the battle for succession at the 18th National Congress reached the point of fixing bayonets. Where would an ordinary netizen get old scores from the Fujian officialdom? At that critical juncture, whose hands were gripping this file, and which faction wanted to put a tight hoop around Xi Jinping's head before he took over power? Now look at Xi Jinping's reaction three years later. In 2015, news came out of the Causeway Bay Bookstore in Hong Kong that a book was about to be published. Some said the title was Xi Jinping and His Lovers, while others said it was Xi Jinping and His Six Women. Before the book could even be printed, on October 17, bookstore shareholder Gui Minhai was taken away from his apartment in Pattaya, Thailand. On December 30, bookstore owner Lee Po vanished into thin air in Hong Kong, with five people disappearing one after another. The author of this book later told the BBC that after people from the Chinese government showed up at his door, Gui Minhai decided not to publish it. The last of the five to speak out was bookstore manager Lam Wing-kee. In June 2016, he was sent back to Hong Kong carrying a mission: to retrieve a hard drive stored with the bookstore's customer list, meaning which mainland readers and which people inside the system had bought these banned books. Lam Wing-kee did not hand it over; instead, he held a press conference and spilled all the details of being detained for eight months and being repeatedly interrogated about the author and customers. Do you understand now? What Beijing wanted was not just that book, but the list. Whoever was reading Xi Jinping's bedside stories had to enter a file. Gui Minhai is a Swedish citizen. In January 2018, while accompanied by two Swedish diplomats taking a train to Beijing, he was ambushed mid-way by a group of plainclothes agents and taken away once again. In 2020, he was sentenced to 10 years. Think about this carefully: if those were all tabloid literature, would a leader of a major power holding millions of troops stoop to using state power to cross borders and seize people in Thailand? There is only one reasonable explanation: what was written in the book stepped on the very page he was most afraid of being flipped open. What he was afraid of was not Hong Kong people watching the spectacle; what he was afraid of was someone inside Beijing city using that book to cross-reference the baseline file locked inside the drawer.
Where do we tie the loose ends together? Old Xi's promotion and vetting documents from his over twenty years in local office across Zhengding, Fuzhou, and Zhejiang are all held by the CCP Central Committee's Organization Department. Back around 2007, when he was chosen as the successor, the director of the General Office—the person in charge of managing the leaders' entourages, documents, and classified materials for the central leadership—was Hu Jintao's chief aide, Ling Jihua. Today, Zhong Shaojun, who followed him for over twenty years and has seen his other face behind closed doors, has also fallen into others' hands. Whose hands hold the key? Just look at who Zhong Shaojun was handed over to, and you'll know. As we discussed in previous episodes, Hu and Wen suppressed the resignation letter at the Fifth Plenary Session and refused to vote on it. Without a vote, Old Xi still holds the title, allowing Hu and Wen to use his name to slice away his people one by one. Now, look at why Old Xi doesn't even dare to utter a single peep: because what Hu and Wen are holding in their drawer isn't just that resignation letter—it's his own bedside secrets. Xi Jinping spent over a decade using honeypots, grabbing the dirt on the entire party and half of the Western world, only to end up with his own dirt clutched tightly in the hands of Hu and Wen.
Next, please circle November 18 on your calendar. On that day in Washington, House Republicans are demanding that Jensen Huang appear in Congress for a closed-door deposition. The documents lawmakers slam on the table won't be his written confessions to his wife, but rather where those tens of billions of dollars worth of chips sent to Huole actually went. Will his trick of confessing to infidelity to save his skin hold up? That day will be the first major test.
On that exact same day, at the opening of the APEC summit in Shenzhen, the man in Zhongnanhai has to welcome Trump on his home turf. On one hand, a Silicon Valley tycoon entangled in honeypots is accounting for himself in Washington; on the other hand, the close aide of the person who deployed the honeypots has already fallen, with his bedside dossiers gripped in others' hands, yet he still has to stand on the red carpet and force a smile at Trump. Will Nvidia's board investigation be handed over to Congress? Will Zhong Shaojun's case be transferred to the military prosecutors and his charges made public? We will keep our eyes unblinkingly fixed on these two threads.
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