Xi Jinping's Ouster Will Come in October! Wen Jiabao's Dead Order: Every Central Committee Member Must Pass the Test, Pull Him Down at the Fifth Plenum 【Jiang Feng Vision 20260824 Issue 469】
This video analyzes the extraordinary meeting of the CCP's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) held on August 22, 2026, referred to as the Sixth Plenary Session of the 20th CCDI. The meeting convened two months before the Fifth Plenary Session and notably added two deputy secretaries, deviating from established practice. Citing external leaks, the video suggests this move was orchestrated by former Premier Wen Jiabao, who reportedly demanded that all Central Committee members and alternate members be interviewed and vetted before the Fifth Plenary Session to ensure voting outcomes aligned with his wishes. The video further examines the backgrounds of the newly appointed deputy secretaries, Zhao Shiyong and Zhang Zhong. By referencing historical events and prophecies from the 'Tuibeitu' (推背圖), it speculates that this meeting is a strategic move to pave the way for Hu Chunhua's succession to Xi Jinping, rather than Li Qiang.
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Hello friends, and welcome to Jiang Feng's View.
On Saturday, August 22nd, Beijing convened an additional meeting of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, termed the Sixth Plenary Session of the 20th CCDI. It concluded in a single day and its communique was released overnight under authorization.
Historically, the CCP's CCDI has convened extraordinary plenary sessions on occasion since the restoration of the CCDI at the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee in 1978. Such instances occurred in the 1980s and 1990s, and also into the 21st century.
These meetings typically fall into two categories: First, immediately following a Central Committee plenary session, the CCDI convenes to implement decisions just made by the Central Committee. Second, shortly before a Party Congress, the CCDI concludes its five-year work report and personnel and election processes in advance.
However, this session on August 22, 2026, was preceded by no recent Central Committee plenary session, and no Party Congress was scheduled within days. It occurred a full two months before the widely rumored October convening of the Fifth Plenary Session.
Since the CCDI's reconstruction in 1978, a review of public records reveals no other instance of a meeting held in this manner.
Furthermore, not only did the CCDI convene an additional meeting, but it also appointed two new deputy secretaries. What was the purpose of this meeting? And who ordered it?
Yesterday, a task-list-like account emerged outside the Great Firewall, suggesting that Wen Jiabao could no longer wait. He reportedly instructed the CCDI to thoroughly investigate the backgrounds of everyone present at the meeting before the Fifth Plenary Session. Every Central Committee member holding a voting ballot was to be interviewed and pass scrutiny, and even alternate members sitting in attendance, who could be promoted at any time, were not to be spared. Their relatives' assets, business dealings, and social connections were all to be investigated and filed.
Judging by this trend, the CCP's Fifth Plenary Session in October will involve significant actions. We are aware that the military has already been positioned, and the CCDI's blade is being sharpened, with materials being placed into drawers one by one. On the day of the vote, who would dare to disagree with the list submitted by Wen Jiabao?
Looking back at public records, since the 21st century, there have been at least seven instances of two plenary sessions being held in a year, falling into two distinct patterns.
One type is called an "execution meeting." Right after the preceding Central Committee plenary session concludes, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) immediately convenes a meeting to implement the central resolution. In September 2004, the day after the 16th Central Committee's Fourth Plenary Session ended, the CCDI's Fourth Plenary Session began, with Wu Guanzheng delivering a report to implement the spirit of the central session. In September 2009, the day after the 17th Central Committee's Fourth Plenary Session ended, He Guoqiang presided over the CCDI's Fourth Plenary Session, following the same procedure. On October 23, 2014, the 18th Central Committee's Fourth Plenary Session concluded. Two days later, on October 25, the CCDI's Fourth Plenary Session opened, with Wang Qishan presiding over the meeting to implement the decision on comprehensively advancing the rule of law that had just been passed.
Another type is called a "submission meeting." A few days before the Party Congress opens, the CCDI reviews the five-year work report for the final time. In 2007, this was three days before the 17th Party Congress opened; in 2012, it was four days before the 18th Party Congress; in 2017, the meeting where Wang Qishan spoke was nine days before the 19th Party Congress; and in 2022, the meeting where Zhao Leji spoke was also nine days before the 20th Party Congress.
These specially convened plenary sessions of the disciplinary commissions do not have Hu Jintao or Xi Jinping in attendance. Official compilations of historical data also reflect this: the column for the General Secretary's speech at the routine January plenary session is fully detailed, while the column for specially convened meetings is blank. It is customary for the General Secretary not to appear at these types of meetings.
The personnel line provides a ready mirror. In June 2014, Xu Caihou was expelled from the Party, and in July, Zhou Yongkang was placed under investigation. On October 25, the 18th CCDI held its Fourth Plenary Session, where Liu Jinguo was elected to the Standing Committee and appointed deputy secretary. At the time, his position was Vice Minister of Public Security, at the ministerial level. Current high-ranking officials from the investigation system are transferred to the disciplinary commission to act as enforcers. In December, Zhou Yongkang was expelled from the Party and handed over to the judiciary. The timeline is clear.
Before clearing out the "big tigers," the CCDI first replenished its own executive ranks by adding deputy secretaries at the extraordinary session. This indicates that the existing forces could not handle the upcoming tasks, and it was necessary to add command and investigation personnel before taking action. The last time, one deputy secretary, Liu Jinguo, was added, and the targets were Xu Caihou and Zhou Yongkang – a Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission and a former Secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, respectively, the two biggest tigers at the time. This time, two were added at once.
The question is, which "big tiger" is intended to be targeted this time? Following the previous ratio of one deputy secretary to two tigers, does this mean starting with four or five this time?
There is one more detail to address. The communiqué recites Xi Jinping's ideology. Can this be used as evidence that the meeting is still under Xi Jinping's control? In fact, before the outcome at the highest level is finalized, Li Xi needs an official record that can be explained in both directions. If Xi Jinping makes a comeback, every quote from Xi Jinping that Li Xi recited will be a protective charm. And he is already handling the practical matters of adding personnel and setting deadlines for the decision-making and coordination body.
The loyalty pledge in this communiqué has reached its extreme. The original text is: "Resolutely and unswervingly be a firm believer and loyal practitioner of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building." The more absolute the statement, the more it indicates that the speaker is leaving themselves an escape route. Therefore, including Xi Jinping in the official press release is not evidence that he is still in charge, but rather Li Xi's fallback.
Finally, let's consider why this particular day, a Saturday, was chosen. After internal Party positions were filled on Saturday, August 22, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC) opened on Tuesday, August 25, with personnel appointments and removals on its agenda. If Zhao Shiyong and Zhang Zhong are also to be appointed to the National Supervisory Commission, this timeline would be very smooth. Sunday and Monday would be for procedural transitions, and Tuesday would perfectly align with the NPC Standing Committee's appointment window.
Furthermore, this agenda was not a last-minute addition. On August 18, the Chairperson's Council of the NPC had already announced the schedule for this Standing Committee session. The calendar was released four days before the disciplinary commission meeting, indicating that the meeting was scheduled according to the calendar.
This agenda also includes an item: reviewing the report on the representative qualifications of certain representatives. Who are these "certain representatives"? As we discussed last time, Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli have been under investigation for seven months, and the NPC procedures have not yet been completed. These "certain representatives" will be revealed on the 25th.
Revelations from outside the wall suggest that this meeting was hastily convened by Li Xi after a conversation with Wen Jiabao. The matter dates back to January. Li Xi had just concluded the CCDI's Fifth Plenary Session, assigning the tasks for the entire year's investigations. Ten days later, Zhang Youxia had an incident. For such a major action as arresting someone, he, as the CCDI secretary, received no prior warning. From that day on, Li Xi was terrified. He dared not sign off on cases placed on his desk, delegating all the work to his deputy, Liu Jinguo, while he hid in the background, able to claim ignorance if anything went wrong.
Days passed, and the Fifth Plenary Session, originally scheduled for July, was postponed to October because the cases to be handled were not completed and the necessary materials were not prepared.
Wen Jiabao could not wait any longer. Using the name of the decision-making and coordination body, he summoned Li Xi for a talk and issued a strict deadline for completion. Only then did Li Xi suddenly convene the meeting on Saturday, mobilizing everyone to convey Wen Jiabao's requirements point by point.
The explanation from outside the wall is very specific, broken down into three points: First, before the Fifth Plenum, every member and alternate member of the Central Committee must undergo an organizational discipline talk, without exception. Second, thoroughly investigate everyone's background and prepare their files. Third, have everything ready for use, not requiring anyone to be taken down now, but ensuring that when someone needs to be taken down, the work doesn't have to start from scratch.
These three points sound frightening, but in reality, all the tools are readily available, and no new ones need to be invented. Talking is a routine task that the Disciplinary Commission does every day, calling cadres in individually to ask a few questions and have them write down the situation themselves. Tens of thousands of people are talked to by disciplinary commissions across the country every year, and most of them are fine afterward and return to work. Therefore, calling in hundreds of Central Committee members one by one to go through this process is as common as daily life, and no one can find fault with it.
There are also existing forms for checking backgrounds. Leading cadres in the CCP have to fill out a form every year, disclosing to the organization how many properties they own, how much money they have in savings, what stocks they have invested in, and whether their spouses and children are doing business or have emigrated abroad. This form is usually kept locked in the organization department's cabinet, and for most people, filling it out is enough, as no one truly verifies it. Only when someone is to be promoted is this form retrieved and checked item by item. If the information filled out doesn't match what is found, that official's promotion is out of the question.
The talks are also tiered. Those at the vice-ministerial level are talked to by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), while those at the vice-state level and above are arranged by decision-making, deliberation, and coordination bodies. Outside the wall, an example of this was previously pointed out: State Councilor Shen Yiqin. How do we know she was talked to? By observing a break in a usual pattern. In previous summers, at the Beidaihe gathering for experts' vacations and慰问 (comfort/solicitation), she always appeared alongside Cai Qi. This year, she was absent from this occasion. She still holds the position of State Councilor, but her usual place was empty. The explanation from outside the wall connects these two events, indicating she has already been spoken to at that level.
Officially, there is something that perfectly fits these actions: the six characters in the communiqué, "Strictly enforce discipline for the upcoming elections." These six characters were also mentioned in the January communiqué, so they are not new. What is new this time is that they have been followed by actions: filling vacancies, setting deadlines, and conducting individual talks. The Disciplinary Commission can call any Central Committee member for a talk with a legitimate reason. You shouldn't be suspicious that you are being investigated; it's a routine requirement for election discipline. The six characters in the communiqué serve as its pass.
Some friends might ask, it's understandable to investigate Central Committee members because they have voting power. Why should alternate members, who don't have votes, also be included without exception? Don't underestimate these 170-odd people. Alternate members usually sit on the sidelines and attend meetings, but they are the pool for succession. If those who succeed are all supporters of Old Xi, can Wen Jiabao's list on the table get a majority?
Listen to the precision of this order. Wen Jiabao did not demand that everyone be arrested within two months; there's no need for that. He only requested two things: complete the talks and prepare the files. At that time, if these wavering Central Committee members vote according to the wishes of the decision-making, deliberation, and coordination bodies, then you will be fine. If you don't vote accordingly, then trouble will come immediately. This is before the Fifth Plenum, where everyone is called in individually for a review, and all materials are put into the archives. When they finally sit in the meeting hall, who would dare to say a single extra word?
Hearing this, old viewers might have already tasted something different. How does this set of skills seem so familiar? That's right, this procedural machine was not newly built by Wen Jiabao, nor invented by Old Xi. It existed during Hu Jintao's era, and it was Old Xi who honed it into a weapon for clearing out positions, filling vacancies, and manufacturing fait accompli.
Recall how he himself was re-elected. First, he cleared the field through anti-corruption campaigns, with inspection teams going down one after another. Election discipline was also a tight restraint imposed in advance, and the list of attendees for the meeting was screened beforehand. In 2018, when the constitutional amendment to remove the term limits for the president was voted on by the National People's Congress, what was the result? Two thousand nine hundred and fifty-eight votes in favor, two against, and three abstentions. Out of nearly three thousand people, not three hands were raised in opposition. That was not a victory in the meeting hall; the work was already done for every vote before the meeting began.
Old Xi knows how powerful the individual review process is; he has walked this path himself. Political figures have an old ledger, and the human body also has an old ledger. Smoking and staying up late in youth might only result in a few coughs, which are not taken seriously. As one gets older, shortness of breath, chest tightness, excessive phlegm, and poor sleep become issues, making it difficult to even climb a few stairs. The debts incurred in the past are slowly being collected.
Why specifically fill two deputy secretary positions? Let's break down the structure of the CCDI. The over 100 members are the legs, each managing their own area. The Standing Committee is the waist, and those who can truly sign off are at the level of secretaries and deputy secretaries. Cases need to be approved by this level for issuance, special investigation teams need to be dispatched by this level, and for officials at the provincial and ministerial levels, this level must give the final approval.
With hundreds of people being interviewed and their files created individually within two months, at this pace, one person simply cannot handle it, let alone sign off on everything or dispatch special investigation teams. Therefore, people must be added, and they must be added at the deputy secretary level.
First, let's look at Zhao Shiyong. His public resume is there. He served as a local principal official in Sichuan and governed a region. He was transferred to Jiangsu at the end of 2019, successively serving as Vice Governor, Member of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, Secretary-General, and Minister of Organization. At the end of 2022, he joined the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) and the National Supervisory Commission (NSC) as the Minister of the Organization Department, specifically in charge of the discipline inspection and supervision system. He has been in this role for nearly four years. Think about how much those four years are worth at this moment. In two months, files need to be created for hundreds of people, and the first task is to know where to transfer people and where to transfer files. He is the person who knows the bottom line of the discipline inspection commission best in China.
Next, let's look at Zhang Zhong. He worked in personnel in the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CCPC), handling cadre planning. To put it bluntly, he compiled rosters and planned the echelon for the entire party, knowing how many people should be prepared for each age group and who could take over what position in five years. Later, he became a Deputy Minister-level inspector of the Central Inspection Team, a task specifically assigned to investigate people in provinces and ministries. After that, he served as the Secretary of the Discipline Inspection Commissions in two provinces, Jilin and Jiangsu, handling cases with real experience. Another detail not to be missed is that before the meeting in August, he was not even a member of the Standing Committee of the CCDI. On August 22nd, within one day, he was first appointed to the Standing Committee and then elected Deputy Secretary, a promotion of two levels. In the personnel rules of the CCP, such a rapid move is extremely rare; this person must be in place immediately, unable to wait even a day.
With these two people above, signing and assigning tasks, and 116 members of the Discipline Inspection Commission below, the work only begins to unfold after the meeting. Both of them have experience in Jiangsu. Who does Jiangsu connect to? Li Qiang, the current Premier of the State Council, served as the Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee from 2016 to 2017. Wu Zhenglong, the chief steward of his cabinet and Secretary-General of the State Council, has been in Jiangsu for many years. Thus, some people outside the wall immediately labeled Zhao Shiyong and Zhang Zhong as
On the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) side, Sun Xinyang, Zhao Shiyong, and Zhang Zhong each have a position, claiming to be three generals, with an advisor assigned to them. In Shanghai, arrangements have also been made for Li Qiang: Gong Zheng will remain, while Zhu Zhongming and Xu Shouben will each get a spot. The verdict has already been passed: Li Qiang's era is about to begin.
Listen to this: two newly appointed knives for the CCDI have, overnight, become Li Qiang's men. These posts can only prove one thing: someone is hyping Li Qiang as the successor, but they don't prove that the CCDI has fallen under Li Qiang's control.
Other bloggers have also revealed that Li Qiang has only cultivated one person, Wu Zhenglong, in recent years. On what basis can he extend his influence into the CCDI?
So what is this trend competing for? It's competing for the right to interpret. The difference between two explanations for the same meeting is like heaven and earth. As long as Zhao Shiyong and Zhang Zhong are portrayed as Li Qiang's people, this meeting becomes Xi Jinping's主动 arrangement for succession.
Why is this trend being embraced? Because both sides need Li Qiang. Xi Jinping wants to hand over only half of his power and needs Li Qiang as a transitional figure. The conservative faction fears old accounts being reopened and needs Li Qiang as a shield, with a moderate figure in the foreground to deflect the heat.
There are also rumors from outside the wall that the elders favor Hu Chunhua, and that Hu Chunhua insists on accountability. Notice this contrast: Hu Chunhua is currently only a vice-chairman of the CPPCC, not even a member of the Politburo, yet rumors are focusing on him.
Li Qiang's advantage lies in the fact that he doesn't need to do anything. As the Premier of the State Council, he is second in rank within the party. He doesn't need to amend the party constitution or go through new procedures. As long as the situation remains stagnant, the position will naturally slide to him.
However, the gate that closed at the plenary session on Saturday is precisely blocking this default channel of waiting for things to happen.
Let's break through the paper window here. Think about who Wen Jiabao is. He is the kind of person who could come up with the idea of
The knife is drawn, but the soldiers are not deployed. The thrilling part lies in the final calculation. How could he be so sure of winning the vote at the Fifth Plenum without firing a single shot? Because he had a tested blueprint: the downfall of Ma Xingrui, which followed the seven days of waving goodbye.
This is no minor figure – a Politburo member and Party Secretary of Xinjiang, a true regional leader. How did the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) handle him? In late June last year, he was removed from his post as Xinjiang Party Secretary. The official announcement stated he was appointed to a new position, sounding dignified, didn't it? He was assigned to be the deputy head of the Central Rural Work Leading Group, a nominal role. What was the purpose of this move? To first remove the person from his territory, severing his ties with his subordinates. And then? He was left to cool his heels for over nine months. On April 3rd this year, the CCDI officially announced he was under investigation.
Some outside observers have scrutinized this announcement word by word. According to the old rules, for a Politburo member, the announcement must state, 'Approved by the CCP Central Committee.' However, Ma Xingrui's announcement conspicuously lacks these words. Who approved it? Certainly not Xi Jinping's Party Central Committee.
From his removal to his thorough investigation, it took 379 days. Not a single shot was fired throughout the process, and every step was stamped with procedural legitimacy. A Politburo member was thus removed from the chessboard.
Given that decision-making and deliberation bodies can handle a Politburo member, the lack of higher-level action is never a matter of capability, but of determination and timing.
Some might ask, if it truly came down to a fight to the death, would procedures alone be enough? An exposé from outside the wall provided a chilling answer: during the most perilous days in January this year, a plan for military deployment was indeed placed on the table, involving the mobilization of heavy forces from the 82nd Group Army to Beijing to resolve the situation by force.
The military calculated that a real conflict could result in over a thousand casualties. The plan was presented to Wen Jiabao, who made the decision. The guiding principle was summarized in eight characters: military suppression as a supplement, organizational discipline as the primary means. He also declared: 'Those who order the use of force will be nailed to the pillar of historical shame.'
How did they win without firing a shot? Through division of labor. The military's role was to block the path to overturning the table; the soldiers stood outside the city, preventing Xi Jinping from flipping it. The CCDI's role was to dismantle the votes around the table, conducting one-on-one interviews and filing documents, turning a cohesive group into hundreds of individuals calculating their own gains, which was more effective than tanks.
By the time the meeting convened in October, what was seen from the outside was an ordinary plenum vote, a collective decision to handle the matter according to regulations, concluding the process with completeness and dignity. Wen Jiabao did not lack the courage to deploy troops, but had the courage not to. The military was responsible for ensuring Xi Jinping could not flip the table, and the CCDI was responsible for ensuring that those around the table dared not join him in doing so.
The remaining steps, as rumored outside the wall, were: co-optation, resignation, and succession. The protagonist was Hu Chunhua, who had been investigated for fourteen years without any issues found. This stage was a推演 (tuiyan - deduction/scenario planning) awaiting the outcome in October, but don't dismiss these three steps as fantasy. The Communist Party's own history provides a ready model.
In February 1980, at the Fifth Plenum of the 11th Central Committee, you see, it was also a Fifth Plenum. Two things were accomplished at this one meeting: Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang were elected to the Politburo Standing Committee, and the resignations of Wang Dongxing and three others were approved. New members were added and old ones sent off, all in one plenum.
Some friends may ask, Hu Chunhua wasn't even a Politburo member, how could he step directly into the Standing Committee? The answer to this question was demonstrated on August 22nd. Zhang Zhong was not a member of the CCDI Standing Committee that morning, but within a day, he was first added to the Standing Committee and then appointed deputy secretary. It only takes a day to promote someone across levels.
We will stop dissecting this political game here for today. Friends who have read this far, please take a moment to click 'like,' 'subscribe,' and then the little bell. Your action will help Jiang Feng's World break through the platform's restrictions and allow more people, who are still in the dark, to see the truths they cannot see. We will continue dissecting in the next episode.
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