Xi Jinping's personal dictatorship is facing a civil war crisis, the anti-dictatorship alliance vows to overthrow the dictator! "Real China"

The video focuses on Xi Jinping’s personal dictatorship and the potential intra‑party conflicts it may trigger, arguing that after the reform and opening up, the “red second generation”, “official second generation” and “military second generation” within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have developed interests and security anxieties that could oppose Xi’s continued centralization of power. The host also discusses Xi’s daughter, pandemic lockdowns, party purges, red‑family backgrounds, Xi’s long stay in Beijing, and the anti‑Xi forces issuing an ultimatum, using historical internal CCP struggles to illustrate this judgment.

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Let’s talk about Xi Jinping again. The situation in China right now is extremely precarious. It may seem that the whole country and Xi personally have a firm grip on the nation, but what is the hallmark of a firm grip? The hallmark is Xi’s bragging, his daily propaganda on the news broadcast and media. However, the real Xi is a completely unpopular dictator and leader.

Now everyone who put Xi in this position can no longer guarantee their own interests. So what is Xi facing now? He is facing a huge risk of civil war. I have said before that as long as a country has a dictator, if there were no reform and opening up over the past few decades, his dictatorship could continue, just like Mao’s. People would vie for power, ultimately perpetuating the dictatorship.

But reform and opening up have shattered the dictatorial dreams of those inside the CCP, including those within the system, i.e., the military second generation and red second generation. Why are these people standing up now? Because their families, their parents, even grandparents, were harmed by dictatorship. If Mao had not pursued dictatorship, their families would not have suffered such fates.

These people are actually very tragic. Look at Deng Xiaoping’s family and you’ll see how miserable they were at the time. In that era, during Deng’s and Mao’s periods, almost every communist family was affected. From 1949 until Mao’s death, it was only later that the term “rehabilitation” appeared. After rehabilitation, many people had already died.

Their descendants later gradually rose, such as Liu Shaoqi and Liu Yuan. Many of Liu’s family members were eliminated, and later Liu Yuan slowly emerged, as if the Party wanted to compensate him and cultivate him. Later in Henan, in the early 1990s, I once said I met Liu Yuan in Henan.

Now, after decades of reform and opening up, everyone has self‑protection capabilities. Party insiders both gain and lose. In this situation, as long as one faction pursues dictatorship, the risks faced by the others are the same as those their fathers and grandfathers faced at the time. Under Mao’s rule, their fathers and grandfathers were stripped of all property, including their lives, overnight.

At any time, for any reason—or even without a reason—people can be arbitrarily arrested. They can be killed outright, or locked up; a single line of internal Party scrutiny can land you in prison. That is dictatorship. So the risk Xi Jinping now faces is exactly that.

Xi and his wife spend every day dreaming of the Xi family saga. They have only one daughter. Whether Xi later has an illegitimate child outside the marriage is another matter. Peng Liyuan strongly hopes her daughter can rise to power and succeed her father’s position.

Thus, from the start of his push for dictatorship and constitutional amendment, Xi has been doing the groundwork. Xi’s daughter has never appeared publicly up to now, which is a highly concealed matter. Everyone knows what the Deng family is doing. Once a position is fixed, he cannot climb any higher.

For example, Deng Nan works at the National Construction Committee, handling construction approvals and directives, tightly controlling that sector. Deng Pufang works at the China Disabled Persons’ Federation; as a disabled person, his role there is essentially a nominal post. He cannot succeed his father’s position. Deng Xiaoping also has a son who later lives in the United States; he merely runs a business at most.

For instance, Deng Pufang might do some real‑estate deals in Shanghai or elsewhere, flip land, make money—that’s normal. They have resources but not much money, so making some money is normal. However, they have no chance to enter politics, unlike Xi.

Xi, like a thief, sent his daughter to study at Harvard. Previously, a young man from Guangxi in the south hacked Xi’s daughter’s household registration and other data and published it; later that person was sentenced and beaten half to death in prison. His mother apparently still posted on my Twitter; I have seen what she wrote—truly tragic, and the young man’s fate was also very tragic.

Xi constantly manipulates his daughter, hoping that once she comes to power she will establish a dynasty like the Kim family. Years ago, when I was in China, I told classmates that they mistakenly thought Xi idolized Putin. In fact, Xi’s greatest admiration is for Kim Jong‑un, and he wants to build a dynasty like Kim’s. He cares not about the lives of ordinary people, whether they have food or not.

During the pandemic lockdowns, Xi showed his devilish nature, controlling the entire nation. I have always said that his actions were a test to see whether the Chinese people would rebel. I said the lockdown was a test of popular resistance. If the people do not rebel, he will become unstoppable, able to do anything, riding on the backs of the populace and defiling them.

But he does not realize whom he has offended. He has offended the second‑generation officials and the “red‑second‑generation” who do not want him to become a high‑level dictator. They want the emperor to rotate. Hundreds of families have their own interests and cannot have their resources arbitrarily taken away. These people themselves also ride on the backs of the masses.

The Xi family now faces this problem. I mentioned this a few years ago: if Xi tries to establish a dictatorship, who will ultimately overthrow him? It will be those within the Party. If you do not give them a sense of security, everyone around Xi will eventually be eliminated by him. If he is not overthrown this time, some Party members appear to have a strong aura, but in fact many inside have that aura; many are former bandits, a legacy passed down.

I will give an example. A childhood friend of mine, a person of great character and reputation in Shanghai, was very brave and had a strong sense of justice. In the chaotic 1980s Shanghai, if he encountered injustice, he would stand up. Even if five or six people attacked him, he would not be afraid and would confront them directly, and he would win.

He is about the same height as me, even thinner, can do two hundred push‑ups in one go, his body is in excellent condition, his 100‑meter sprint power is strong, roughly able to run it in 11 seconds, fully capable of being an athlete. Later I didn’t see him for many years; he became a big boss in society, a very legendary figure.

Once his grandmother passed away. When I was a child I often ate at his house; we lived very close, only five to ten minutes away on foot. His grandmother liked me a lot and hoped her grandson would stay with me and not cause trouble outside. He later became a person in society. After his grandmother died, I learned about his family background.

His grandmother’s husband had been the biggest gangster in Taixing, Jiangsu, and was suppressed after 1949. His grandmother was this man’s concubine and gave birth to his father. Later she took her young son to Shanghai, married there, and married the grandfather of my childhood friend. Actually that was not his biological grandfather; his real grandfather was also the biggest gangster in Taixing. Later they had two aunts and an uncle, and I got along well with his uncle.

This story was told to me by his uncle. That night everyone was keeping vigil; the elderly lady, about 90 years old, had passed away. While we were chatting, his uncle Jiang Delin brought up the matter. He said that when his mother married my friend’s father, the father had come from Taixing; his father’s first husband, i.e., the previous husband, was a famous gangster in Taixing.

So this kind of gene has been passed down since childhood, from grandfather to grandson, to the grandson’s grandson. That grandson is extremely powerful, extremely powerful. These people are not afraid of death and have explosive energy.

Now Xi Jinping is facing a massive number of “Xi second‑generation” people. Their parents all came through war, survived with their heads held high, and today they go out to fight not knowing if they will die tomorrow. Aren’t these red second‑generation and red third‑generation people the same as Xi? If you try to mess with me, I’ll try to kill you. It has already become their civil war.

Xi is confronting these people, and a large number of them want to oust Xi. If they really take action, Xi’s death is inevitable, with no way out. How can there be any way out in internal CCP struggles? There is none; they can starve you to death or kill you outright. Look at Liu Shaoqi’s death—it was just a pile of bones. He Long’s great‑grandson told me that when He Long died, everything was a mess. Peng Dehuai was the same. Reading these memoirs and historical events shows how brutal the internal fights within the Chinese Communist Party are.

Therefore, as long as Xi walks this dictatorial path, he is betting his whole family’s lives on life and death. Others have hands and feet, you also have hands and feet, everyone can fight. You may have so‑called power, but a single bullet can solve you. Human life is fragile.

Just look at Khamenei to see how powerful he is. A few missiles crossing over and the whole family is gone. That is modern warfare. This is what Xi is facing now.

People shouldn’t think that real war means just charging in; it’s not like that. The red second‑generation have troops; these people are armed, with modern weapons, including aircraft and missiles. Xi will have to face that kind of threat. So how can Xi sleep? I guess he doesn’t even sleep in one place; today he’s here, tomorrow he’ll be elsewhere.

It has already come to this point. Look, he has not left Beijing for over two hundred days. Since November 7 last year, after some event in Guangzhou, he returned to Beijing and never left, later going to Xiong’an and then Dezhou. He is extremely fearful, gathering all his family in Beijing because tens of thousands of garrison troops control the city, which he feels is relatively safe.

He also knows that his dictatorship is unpopular. Arresting so many people will offend many. What is his purpose in arresting people? It’s to seize money. Arrest an official, money comes. Convict a provincial party secretary, investigations may uncover tens or hundreds of billions, and the money is taken back.

Thus Xi is now facing a civil war that could break out at any time. People shouldn’t think that fighting means storming Zhongnanhai; it’s completely different, and it may be resolved directly with modern means—aircraft, missiles—fully possible.

Anti-communist people are waiting for this day, they may start fighting at any time. Anti-Xi forces have already prepared, I estimate they should be ready, because they have now issued a final ultimatum to Xi Jinping. On August 31, the Mao Memorial Hall opened, which is actually to tell you not to pursue dictatorship, it is to block your dictatorial dream.