Li Qiang, Wang Huning Have All Turned Against Him! Xi Jinping Personally Admitted Defeat on July 1st, Wen Jiabao's Knife Pierces His Old Nest in Fujian; The Fifth Plenum Hasn't Even Begun, But the Votes Have Already Been Counted [Jiang Feng's Viewpoint 20260702 Issue 425]

This video analyzes Xi Jinping's speech at the CCP's 105th anniversary on July 1st, pointing out his softened attitude, a retreat from wolf warrior diplomacy to a strategy of hiding one's strength and biding one's time, and his predicament of facing complete capitulation. The content explores how the CCP's elder statesman group is gradually sidelining Xi Jinping by controlling the Organization Department and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, and by appointing personnel to local positions. It analyzes the reshuffling of personnel in provinces such as Guangdong, Fujian, Hubei, and Shaanxi, and predicts that the Fifth Plenary Session will complete the power transition through a vote by central committee members.

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Many people had the same first reaction after watching this speech for the 105th anniversary of the founding of the party on July 1st: look, the big boss is still standing firmly in the center of the stage! He hasn't fallen. I'm telling you, if you really think that way, you've fallen right into the trap the system wants you to see. To put it bluntly, behind these red walls, the most brilliant way to depose a dictator has never been to drag him out. Why? Because in this logic, publicly arresting a party leader who is still in office is equivalent to the CCP smashing its own altar with a sledgehammer. No one dares to initiate this, and he can only be voted out. So what you see on TV today is an extremely successful political duet. On stage, Xi Jinping obediently acts as a repeater reading a script, and in practice, he actively capitulates to the West, buying soybeans, selling TikTok, and controlling fentanyl, hoping that the elder statesmen will give him a dignified exit like Hua Guofeng, preserving the face of the fifth-generation leader and the property of his family. But the retired emperor group below has long been chopping away at the remnants of his Fujian clique, one by one, through the Organization Department and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.

If you want to call this speech for the 105th anniversary a speech, that's fine, but if you truly read it as a confession, only two things remain on the pages: one is the trace of compromise, and the other is the killing intent of a purge. If you don't believe me, take out the arrogant speech from five years ago celebrating the centenary of the party and compare it with this year's speech. You will personally witness how a person who five years ago slammed the table and shouted that whoever offends China will have their heads bashed against the Great Wall built by the blood and flesh of over 1.4 billion Chinese people, has retreated step by step to the current six words: strength comes from unity. That is kneeling. What did he say five years ago? The original words are: absolutely do not accept the preachy teachings of the schoolmaster, and that sentence: whoever dares to bully us will inevitably have their heads bashed against the Great Wall built by the blood and flesh of over 1.4 billion Chinese people. Listen to this year's version again. All that rough, spitting-in-people's-faces fierceness is gone, replaced by what? Actively responding to risks and challenges, enduring the major tests of stormy seas. The former was about fighting to the death, while the latter is begging heaven not to trouble me anymore.

In plain terms, over the past five years he has been out there dealing with the so‑called evil axis of China, Russia, North Korea and Iran, using rare earths to challenge half the world, almost dragging China into a world war. In July 2024, Zhang Youxia and Liu Yuan seized the army for themselves; when Trump took office last year, Beijing immediately sent Li Chenggang to Malaysia to settle accounts with the Americans—TikTok, soybean sales, fentanyl purchases—helping you manage it, and after the talks, the big boss was sent to Busan, South Korea to meet Trump in person and sign. So this year’s article wipes out the “wolf‑warrior” rhetoric completely; essentially, he uses his own mouth to make the CCP look cowardly, unable to stir up trouble. Diplomacy should quietly return to Deng Xiaoping’s low‑key, business‑with‑the‑West approach, or the economy will collapse. See the original words from 2021: "Resolutely crush any Taiwan‑independence plot, jointly create a beautiful future of national rejuvenation." This year? It’s softened, fully implementing the Party’s overall strategy for solving the Taiwan issue in the new era, deepening cross‑strait exchange, cooperation and integration. Think about that exchange, cooperation, integration—how is it any different from a neighborhood committee holding a social gathering?

Back in 2021, he used the pretext of a 2027 military invasion of Taiwan to secure his lifelong rule, promoting a large number of trusted allies from the 31st Group Army in Fujian and the Eastern Theater Command—Miao Hua, He Weidong, Lin Xiangyang were among them. Yet just last year, the most loyal senior generals in the army were taken down by Zhang Youxia and Zhang Shengmin in one sweep—nine generals fell, and the command for the Taiwan invasion collapsed. Imagine those generals who hoped to earn a war merit and seize power all ending up in Qin City; how could the campaign proceed? The army could only shift to a defensive posture, so the July 1 Taiwan Strait segment this year could only be reduced to a toothless administrative slogan. What did he used to tell young people? "Strengthen the spirit, confidence and backbone of being Chinese, speak up more." After five years he changed his line: "Unwaveringly listen to the Party, follow the Party, run the historical relay race well." What’s the difference?

Five years ago China still had surplus grain, and young people could still find some imagined confidence in the hype of a "great nation." By 2026, after three years of chaotic zero‑COVID policies and three years of deflation, youth unemployment had already skyrocketed, the atmosphere resembling the night before the collapse of the Nepali regime. For the CCP’s mess, the top priority is no longer revival but preventing young people from taking to the streets. So the message to youth became a blunt warning: listen to the Party, follow the Party, don’t cause trouble, be a good workhorse and keep the baton moving. In 2021, on the 100th anniversary of the Party’s founding, he stood on Tiananmen and said: "The Communist Party of China never represents any interest group, any powerful faction, any privileged class." Listen, it sounds as if he truly stands up for the people and fights the elites. This year, on the 105th anniversary, that whole sentence was stripped clean from the draft. Why remove it? Since the July 2024 coup, the front‑line actors have been a group of red families holding the lifelines of state‑owned enterprises, finance and defense. What did the big boss do at the 20th Party Congress? He wanted to pass the red regime down generation after generation, overturning the unspoken rules among the red families, attempting personal dictatorship, even daring to move against Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli. This angered the entire table of red families, who collectively flipped the table. Now the CCP elders need to stabilize the situation, relying on conservative veterans like Zeng Qinghong and the second‑generation red officers in the military. Since you need their guns to stay afloat, this 105th‑anniversary piece cannot contain a single word that attacks interest groups or privileged classes. Thus the sentence was deleted, serving as a reassurance from the new managers, using the big boss’s mouth, to the CCP’s conservative allies: the assets of the red families remain untouched, the cake is still divided among them. In the same draft, one hand firmly presses down on the poor, while the other respectfully serves the masters. Someone who five years ago slammed the table and shouted that anyone who provokes China will bleed, now stands on stage saying only unity, stability, listening to the Party, and finally personally assures the red families: "We’ll keep dividing the cake." This is a confession written in broad daylight.

When did he start to slide downhill? Don't worry, let's lay out the past six July 1sts one by one, and you'll see this downward path clearly. July 1st, 2021: Whoever provokes me will bleed. That year, standing on Tiananmen Square, he loudly announced the completion of a moderately prosperous society, precisely at the peak of his power. His tone was full of PLA-style killing intent, with one sentence saying "will bleed" and another stating "absolutely will not accept the preachy teachings of a teacher." Why was he so arrogant? Because at that time, he felt he had money in his pocket and guns in his hands, believing himself to be number one in the world, untouchable. July 1st, 2022, was the eve of the 20th Party Congress. That year, he high-profilely went to Hong Kong to flex his muscles, marking the peak of his power expansion and showing off. Why did he dare to show off like that? Because he had firmly grasped military power through Xu Qiliang and Zhang Youxia. How arrogant was his tone? He claimed that the

On July 1st, 2024, Li Keqiang had already passed away under unclear circumstances, and the most robust political legacy from the 20th Party Congress report was reissued. This document is titled "The Mission and Tasks of the Chinese Communist Party in the New Era and on the New Journey." By this year, the resentment within the party towards him had become uncontainable. Solely because of Li Keqiang's death, in March 2024, Zhang Youxia, angered by Peng Liyuan's interference in military assessments, directly expelled Zhong Shaojun, the eunuch supervisor installed by the top boss, from the Central Military Commission. Only then did the top boss realize that his control over the military was slipping, and he and Zhang Youxia had entered a life-or-death struggle. Therefore, on this July 1st, 2024, he desperately invoked grand phrases like "Chinese modernization in the new era" to gild his own image, clinging tightly to the words "historical status." He repeatedly emphasized the sentence: "We must be prepared to engage in great struggles with many new historical characteristics." Frankly, this means preparing for action, preparing for a showdown. This statement was not directed at the common people, but at Zhang Youxia and the group of veteran leaders. He could already smell a coup. By July 1st, 2025, he would be completely finished, bound and placed on the chopping block, with only one sentence left: "Please, spare my life." This year, "Qiushi" (Seeking Truth) once again pieced together a document for him, taking snippets from his speeches on unity and struggle since 2016 and assembling them into an article titled "Unity and Struggle are the Inevitable Path for the Chinese People to Create Great Historical Achievements." Why use old words? Because by this time, he had been completely sidelined and was no longer qualified to utter any new, forceful statements; he could only beg for mercy on his knees. On June 30, 2025, the day before July 1st, the CCP veteran leaders established a decision-making and coordination body for the Party Central Committee, rendering his Political Bureau Standing Committee an executive body that merely stamped documents overnight. On July 1st itself, his wife Peng Liyuan's crony, Ma Xingrui, had the chairmanship of the Xinjiang Party Secretary position snatched away. That pieced-together article on unity and struggle was not a self-congratulatory piece; it was a killing blow, both literal and metaphorical, delivered by those opposing Xi. Thus, his tone this year softened to the bone, becoming utterly cowardly. He repeatedly uttered the nauseating words "unity" to the veteran leaders: "Please, be merciful, let me off the hook, spare the lives of my family, and preserve this property." By July 1st, 2026, only the final step remained: acting on stage while awaiting death backstage. At this 105th-anniversary celebration, he became a puppet on stage, reading emotionlessly whatever was written for him by others.

After so much overt and covert struggle among the people in Zhongnanhai, what is the ultimate prize they are fighting for? Nothing more than power, money, and the lives and fortunes of their own families. But do these things have anything to do with us ordinary citizens? No. What we can truly hold firmly in our own hands throughout our lives is the good health of ourselves and our family members.

How did the elders manage to corner him step by step? Earlier we talked about the drama on stage, his six-year downhill trajectory, and now I tell you that in the power‑seizing layout behind the scenes, the truly decisive factor that can hammer the big boss in one blow is the single vote in the hands of the provincial senior officials. The CCP’s system cannot simply have a few elders close the door and declare a general secretary’s legal removal; it must go through a procedure called a Central Committee plenary vote. Among the hundreds of Central Committee members, the largest block consists of provincial party secretaries and governors – the senior officials who govern the provinces. In plain terms, if the elders want to dismiss the big boss at the Fifth Plenum, they first need to gather enough raised hands from the Central Committee members. How can they seize that vote from the senior officials? The elders use the same tools: a hat and a knife. The “hat” is the Organization Department, which handles the promotion and assessment of cadres across the Party. Note that the first major move the elders made after regaining power was to remove Li Ganjie, who had been heading the Organization Department, and force‑swap in their own man, Shi Taifeng, into the minister’s seat. How significant was this move? With Shi Taifeng’s appointment, the elders effectively grabbed the Party’s official “hat” in their own hands overnight. Do you think a provincial party secretary wants to move up another step? Do you want to land safely in the future? Promotion or demotion is just a word for them. The “knife” is the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), which handles anti‑corruption investigations and arrests. Currently Li Xi holds it, and you can’t say any provincial party secretary’s rear is clean. The CCDI’s knife will be placed on your neck whenever it decides to. But merely holding these two tools in Beijing isn’t enough; the elders’ next move is truly ruthless: they parachute two people – an organization department head and a CCDI secretary – directly into each key province, all of them their own loyalists. This means the hat and the knife are delivered straight to every senior official’s doorstep, constantly attached to their faces. See how they have been seeding each province over the past six months.

First, look at Guangdong. The provincial party secretary is Huang Kunming, a core member of the Fujian faction and a bona‑fide big‑boss figure. On June 11, Li Keqiang’s former subordinate Hu Fan was dispatched by a written order to Guangdong, becoming the provincial organization department head. What does this mean? It means that from now on, who can be promoted, demoted, or enter the leadership team in Guangdong is no longer decided solely by Huang Kunming; Hu Fan also has a say. The organization department, which handles personnel, is now run by the other side’s person, turning Huang Kunming into a hollow figure overnight. Shenzhen, a top‑level family’s stronghold, previously had party secretary Meng Fanli, who acted as a white glove for the family’s money‑laundering. On March 22, Jin Lei directly replaced Meng Fanli. Don’t underestimate this swap – the chair of Shenzhen’s party committee is always a barometer of CCP politics. Meng Fanli was a direct loyalist of the big boss; pulling him from such a critical post and parachuting an outsider in shows a major issue: the pen that controls national cadres is no longer in the hands of the Xi family, but Shi Taifeng is selecting people from the cadre roster for the elders one by one. Think about it – even the family’s money‑laundering hub, a political barometer, has been wiped out. Will Huang Kunming feel secure sitting in his position thereafter? Will he still dare to raise his hand for him at the Fifth Plenum?

Next, look at Fujian, the old stronghold where Xi Jinping rose to power. On June 8, the CCP elders sent Wei Xiaokui to Fujian as provincial CCDI secretary. Wei Xiaokui is a Jiangxi cadre promoted by Wen Jiabao; sending a Wen Jiabao protégé wielding the CCDI’s knife straight into his old home to settle old scores and reopen cases. How painful is this thrust? The Fujian faction’s long‑standing henchmen have been living in constant fear since that day, unable to sleep, wondering who still dares to follow that single path to the end. Who isn’t already calculating how to distance themselves and keep a fallback?

Looking again at Hubei, the Hubei Provincial Party Secretary Wang Zhonglin is a close confidant of Old Xi. On May 30, Li Keqiang’s former subordinate Guan Zhiou parachuted into Hubei and directly took over as Provincial Party Secretary, completely ousting Wang Zhonglin. You see, this is no longer just adding sand to the leadership team; it’s replacing the top position of Provincial Party Secretary with a loyalist. Looking at Shaanxi, the Xi’an Municipal Party Secretary Fang Hongwei was taken down by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection early on, and on June 5, Li Jun was added to the Shaanxi Provincial Party Committee’s Standing Committee. The knife lands first, then the person is inserted—a seamless, flowing combo. If you string this series together—Guangdong, Fujian, Hubei, Shaanxi—one after another, the senior regional officials either get sidelined, investigated, or simply replaced. In the end, every Provincial Party Secretary still in office has two things hanging over his neck: a hand that can instantly strip him of his official hat, and a knife that can instantly send him to prison. Now the bell for the Fifth Plenum of the Central Committee is about to ring, and when it’s time for these senior regional officials to raise their hands and vote, how will they choose? Will they drown together with the sinking ship, or will they flip the hat and find a way out for themselves? This multiple‑choice question requires no hesitation; the answer is obvious.

In fact, the veterans already know how the vote will go; the overall outcome has been decided long ago. Li Qiang, Zhao Leji, Wang Huning, Ding Xuexiang—most of the Politburo Standing Committee members personally promoted by Xi—have quietly aligned themselves with the decision‑making coordination body. The only ones still wholeheartedly tied to Xi’s boat are a few die‑hard followers from the Fujian faction. This is the veterans’ real trump card: they don’t need to storm Zhongnanhai to grab people, which would be dirty, risky, and earn them the label of a coup. They simply, without a sound, pressure each provincial senior official with the hat and the knife, one by one, to their side. Once the votes are enough, at the Fifth Plenum a single raised hand will officially and decorously bring the big boss down.

Having reached this point, there are few people left in the Party who still favor him; his removal is a foregone conclusion. The real question is what path his removal will take and what his fate will be afterward. The most dignified scenario on the surface is that at the Fifth Plenum everyone raises their hands and votes him out gracefully; he then steps down quietly, closes his mouth, and never speaks again—exactly the path he himself hopes for. At last year’s Fourth Plenum he promised to hand over power in the Hua Guofeng style, and Hu Jintao’s side gave them a verbal promise: hand over power, but don’t touch the Xi family. But if you think that being voted out and silenced means the story is over, you’re naive. There is a score to settle, and someone is determined to settle it. That score is Li Keqiang. Li Keqiang did not die a normal death; in the past two years his widow and daughter have been effectively under house arrest, not even allowed to travel abroad for a break. The mother‑daughter pair hold a deep‑seated grudge against him; they want more than a perfunctory apology—they want every person involved in that case dragged out, none left behind. Within the Party there is an entire faction that has been holding this breath, resolute to investigate the case to the end. With such a group watching closely from behind, even if he steps down gracefully and hides in a corner, he may never get a peaceful sleep. And if he refuses to step down, stubbornly clinging to his position, it becomes even simpler. In the CCP’s ledger, a fallen elder never simply disappears. You might ask how a perfectly fine General Secretary ends up so abandoned and betrayed. In the end, it’s his own doing. He turned Zhang Youxia against him, and that was the turning point.

It was like slapping a wasp nest with a single palm, and the first to fall was his strategist Chen Xi. Don't underestimate Chen Xi's relentless push; once he removes that official hat, the protective umbrella over his head disappears, making it far easier for the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection to investigate him. Moreover, Chen Xi is a literary type who wields a pen, and if you invite him into a room to sit down, he might not be able to endure many rounds. When he opens his mouth, Zhang Youxia's case gets a tear ripped from within, and as that tear widens and follows down, the next one hanging on the cliff edge is Wang Xiaohong. Wang Xiaohong carries the life-and-death lawsuit of Li Keqiang, a case that can never be fully cleaned; if he speaks, that thread will burn straight to the big boss himself. In fact, there has long been a rumor, a prophecy, saying that since the founding of the CCP, several party leaders have died peacefully, but this particular leader will meet a bloody end halfway. That image is chilling, like a frantic bird flying to the edge of a cliff and crashing. Whether that saying is true or not, no one can guarantee it, but when you lay out the whole current situation, you can't simply dismiss it as a fabrication. So how will he end up? Locked behind the high walls of Qincheng, or one day just disappearing unexpectedly? No one can say for sure. One thing is certain: when that day comes, no matter how he meets his end, no one will stand up to proclaim his innocence; deep in everyone's heart lies the thought: he got what he deserved.

Five years ago on July 1st, he stood on the Tiananmen Gate Tower, shouting with grandeur: "Whoever provokes China will bleed and have their head shattered." Five years later, on the same July 1st, the same person stands in the same place, bowing his head and reciting a script handed to him by others. As for whose head the phrase "head shattered and bleeding" ultimately applies to, you and I are seeing it more clearly each day.