Xi Jinping Facing Ultimate Marginalization? Ying Yong's Pledge of Allegiance, Cai Qi's Frenzied Grab for the Mic in Hubei! The "1644 Historical View" Goes Viral, Is the CCP Facing the Eve of the Xinhai Revolution? [Jiang Feng's Vision 20260609 Issue 405]

This article analyzes the geopolitical awkwardness behind Xi Jinping’s visit to Pyongyang and delves into the power struggles within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) surrounding the fall of Zhejiang faction member Chen Weijun, the personnel reshuffle of the Fujian faction’s senior officials, and the “microphone snatching” incident by a standing committee member during the Hubei Three Gorges new channel project. The article also mentions the rise of the “1644 historiography” on domestic internet forums and the passive resistance of the youth, ultimately pointing out that China’s future transformation depends on the awakening and struggle of the grassroots populace.

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Hello friends, this is Jiang Feng Vision. Xi Jinping went to Pyongyang, everyone saw it, under the bright sun, colorful flags fluttered on Kim Il-sung Square, but the most eye‑catching thing was a huge black‑framed portrait of the two “brothers” Xi and Kim Jong‑un, set against a stark, pale building background that looked like a gigantic funeral hall. The North Korean honor guard marched with stiff, duck‑step strides, shouting “Wishing Comrade Xi Jinping good health.” No matter how you interpret that, it sounds like “We hope you live longer, because you don’t have many days left.” Western media posted many comments about the high‑profile nature of the event and the closeness of China‑North Korea relations. My view is completely different from this so‑called mainstream analysis. The day before his plane landed, Kim Jong‑un turned to his famous, formidable younger sister Kim Yo‑jong and let her make a cold statement outside, saying that North Korea’s nuclear status was not up for discussion, and that China‑North Korea should confirm a denuclearization goal for the North—both of which were false rumors. They gave a big face‑saving slap, but didn’t concede even a centimeter inside. This little brother from North Korea has realized that Beijing’s big brother’s whip is now essentially ineffective, because he knows that Xi Jinping at home is already being sidelined by the CCP’s senior elders.

While Old Xi is holding talks in Pyongyang, at 4:18 PM Beijing time, the authorities suddenly dropped a bombshell. Chen Weijun, former Standing Committee member of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Party Committee and former Vice Chairman of the Autonomous Region Government, has been expelled from the Party and removed from public office. He is suspected of criminal offenses and has been transferred to the procuratorate for review and prosecution. Ponder this timing carefully: on one hand, Pyongyang rolls out the red carpet, fires salutes, and displays giant portraits, treating him like a socialist big brother. On the other hand, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection website in Beijing is pushing his former subordinate from Zhejiang towards judicial reckoning. This is the most infuriating tactic in the CCP's internal power struggles: praising you highly in public while undermining you completely behind the scenes. What do the old guard mean by this? You can be so imposing abroad, yet you can't even protect the people around you at home. You are now just a mascot paraded in front of foreign guests, and the political prestige you tried so hard to maintain in Pyongyang is shattered by a single announcement from Beijing. Moreover, Chen Weijun is no ordinary official; he is a backbone of Xi Jinping's Zhejiang faction and was originally slated for promotion to a full provincial-level position during the 20th Party Congress. More crucially, he and Chen Min'er are both representative figures of Xi Jinping's Zhejiang faction. Chen Weijun, this nail, was ostensibly fixed in Urumqi, but his cap was pressing down on Zhejiang. Pulling him out doesn't just bring up the dirt from Xinjiang, but also many problems Xi Jinping accumulated in Zhejiang back then. With the case now in the procuratorate, the next step, following the usual path for centrally managed cadres, will likely be the Supreme People's Procuratorate (SPP). The SPP will then designate jurisdiction for the prosecution. And who is the head of the SPP today? Ying Yong is from Xianju, Zhejiang, and worked for a long time in Zhejiang's political and legal system. He later went to Shanghai, was parachuted into Hubei during the pandemic as provincial party secretary, and finally became the Party Secretary and Procurator-General of the SPP. No one would believe he has no idea who Chen Weijun is; this is the most tacit understanding of the situation. Since you, Ying Yong, came from the Zhejiang system, now you will send people from the Zhejiang faction into the procuratorate system you control. If you handle it leniently, people will say you are protecting your own; if you handle it harshly, you are essentially cleaning up your own old circle with your own hands. If you don't handle it, it further exposes the problem. Therefore, the anti-Xi alliance doesn't need to lift a finger; they just need to place the case at the procuratorate's doorstep and watch Xi Jinping's people devour each other. In fact, Chen Weijun should have been arrested long ago. When Zhou Jiangyong, the former Party Secretary of Hangzhou, was brought down in 2021, Chen Weijun should have been taken in with him. However, Xi Jinping personally transferred him to Xinjiang to keep him away from the troubles in Zhejiang. As a result, with Ma Xingrui's downfall, the door to the basement in Xinjiang was kicked open, and Chen Weijun, who was hiding inside, was dragged out. To save his own life in prison, he would spill all the secrets he knew like beans from a bamboo tube. With his downfall, can Chen Min'er of the Zhijiang New Army escape? This effectively cuts off the succession line for the Zhejiang faction in the upcoming 21st Party Congress next year. Pyongyang is shouting, "Wishing Comrade Xi Jinping good health," while Beijing is saying, "Your man is already in the procuratorate."

If the crackdown on the Zhejiang gang was a case of killing with a borrowed knife, then the hunt on the Fujian stronghold was a masterful thunderclap that struck the dog. Fujian is the Yan’an where old Xi rose to power, the lifeblood and logistical base of the Fujian bigwigs like Cai Qi, He Lifeng and Wang Xiaohong. To uproot the Fujian gang without causing major upheaval, the anti‑Xi alliance pulled a very slick behind‑the‑scenes move, a beautifully executed closed‑door strike on the dog. How could the secretary of the Fujian Provincial Discipline Inspection Commission be vacant for a full seven months? In official logic, an empty seat is the harshest tactic. If the predecessor were simply transferred, the central authorities would immediately send a cold‑hearted executioner, and the local Fujian gang’s henchmen would instantly become alert, burning ledgers, moving funds, sealing letters. So the position had to stay empty, creating an illusion for the local level that the central government had not yet found the time to investigate our peace, allowing everyone’s vigilance to drop. The result: at the end of May this year, NPC Vice‑Chairperson Xiao Jie led a delegation to Fujian for an inspection, and ten days later Wei Xiaokui, who had been lying low in Fujian for almost two years, officially announced his appointment as secretary of the Fujian Provincial Discipline Inspection Commission. Xiao Jie went to Fujian under a banner no one could refuse—building a nationwide unified market—anyone who opposed it would be opposing the Party Central Committee. Yet beneath that banner was the hidden agenda of listening to enterprises and industry associations, which insiders recognize as a overt audit with covert data‑gathering, preparing to cut off your funding chain. Who is Xiao Jie? He was the chief steward when Li Keqiang was premier, intimately familiar with the loopholes in the nation’s fiscal, financial and tax systems. A particularly intriguing detail: Wei Xiaokui arrived in Fujian in October 2024, just after Zhang Youxia had recently taken control of the military. He arrived wearing the gentle hat of a vice‑governor; under that title he sat in the office, legitimately reviewing year after year of Fujian’s fiscal allocations, land‑sale proceeds and state‑owned‑asset losses, page by page. While the Fujian gang was still celebrating, this chain of punches unfolded: Xiao Jie first uncovered the clues, Wei Xiaokui seamlessly switched to the role of provincial discipline commissioner, and before the gang’s henchmen could even balance the books, the disciplinary commission’s iron chain was already around their necks, with no flaw in the process. Xiao Jie’s visit as NPC Vice‑Chairperson was legal, Wei Xiaokui’s crackdown as provincial standing committee discipline head was even more legal, and the foundation of the Fujian gang was completely hollowed out.

Don’t think that losing the military stronghold means Xi and Cai Qi will simply surrender. Within the massive bureaucratic machine of the Chinese Communist Party, they still tightly grip the propaganda axe, a huge pair of scissors. If they can’t move guns, they move pens, openly can’t beat you, so they use the scissors behind the scenes to cut away the achievements you’ve painstakingly built, even erasing your name. This tactic is called a bloodless political suppression, used specifically against Hu‑Wen and the newly‑promoted successor faction. Let’s first talk about the newly appointed local official, Hubei Party Secretary Guan Zhiou. Who is Guan Zhiou? He was a staunch cadre promoted by Li Keqiang when he was in Liaoning, a pragmatic leader who understands fiscal budgeting best. On May 30, Party elders forced past Xi to nail Guan Zhiou firmly into the position of Hubei Party Secretary. Why pin him in Hubei? Because Hubei holds a golden nugget—the Three Gorges Project. The elders placed him there to watch over the nearly 80 billion yuan of state “private” funds, paving the way for Hu Chunhua’s smooth succession, smoothing financial and fiscal pathways. Just days after Guan Zhiou took office, on June 8 the nearly 80 billion yuan Three Gorges New Channel project was officially announced to start. Normally, such a massive national‑level project breaking ground in Yichang, Hubei, with Guan Zhiou as the local top leader, would be a high‑profile moment for the whole Party, a chance to speak on camera and boost his prestige. Instead, an absurd “standing committee grabs the microphone” drama unfolded. Executive Vice‑Premier Ding Xuexiang, one of Xi’s closest aides, personally went to Yichang, bypassed Party Secretary Guan Zhiou, and announced the start himself, seizing all the camera focus. Even more ruthless, the propaganda mouthpiece controlled by Cai Qi, the day before the start, the Three Gorges Group’s own press release clearly and generously listed Hubei Party Secretary Guan Zhiou’s name. Yet on June 8, Xinhua’s nationwide dispatch completely erased Guan Zhiou’s name, using only a cold line about “the main responsible comrade of Hubei province” passing the baton, plainly sidelining the newly appointed accountant in front of the whole Party. I let you manage an 80 billion‑yuan project, yet you get no publicity credit; by the time the 21st Party Congress rolls around next year, you’ll have no political capital to vie for a vice‑premier slot in the new leadership.

Recently, a term has quietly become popular on the internet within the Great Firewall: the "1644 historical view." This is strange because the CCP authorities are usually the ones loudly promoting the "1840 historical view" in schools and on television every day. They constantly indoctrinate the public, saying that after the Opium War in 1840, foreigners plundered China's silver, making the Western world our enemy. Therefore, the people must obediently follow the Party's words and let the Party protect them in their struggle against the West. But what is this "1644 historical view"? Historically, 1644 marked the year the Manchus entered the Central Plains and began ruling over 200 million Han Chinese as slaves and property. When the people hold this historical mirror up to reality, they realize with a shock that for over a hundred years, the true oppressors of China have never been Americans, Japanese, or even the British, but rather the ghost of Marxism that drifted over from Europe, now wearing a new guise called the CCP. They treat this land as their own family's spoils of war and regard the hardworking people as cattle and horses to be slaughtered at will, with no benefits. You see, how can this be a regime of our own nation? In 1949, they established their regime with rubles and arms sent by their Soviet big brother. Today, with a stroke of the pen, they send the hard-earned money of the people, saved through frugality, in large sums to North Korea and Africa. Tomorrow, they will go all out to support Russia in its war, and shortly after, they will secretly provide blood transfusions to terrorists in the Middle East. Therefore, young people in China today have seen through it all. They are unwilling to have more children, unwilling to buy houses, and prefer to resist this foreign regime passively through "lying flat."

At this point, friends often ask me, Jiang Feng, if "that person" were to step down and be replaced by Hu Chunhua or Wang Yang, would there be hope for the people, and would China gradually move towards democracy? I say, everyone must not harbor such unrealistic illusions. Think about it, even Wen Jiabao, who wanted to carry out political体制改革, was he effective? In the CCP's system, over 80% of the fundamental base are conservatives. These people think every day about how to ensure the Communist Party rules forever. Deep down, they absolutely do not wish to give the Chinese people the right to vote, one person, one vote. Because in their view, the Communist Party's empire was built by their forefathers with bloodshed and sweat, killing tens of millions. This is their family inheritance; how could they willingly return power to the people? But look at how things have developed to this point. The people now see them as a foreign regime. Coupled with the current terrible economy, they are still insisting on high-pressure rule. Under such immense pressure, the people's awakening speed is actually very fast. It may not be long before everyone is pushed to the breaking point and rises up in rebellion. It's like the Wuchang Uprising in 1911. In the months before the uprising broke out, the Qing Empire seemed immensely powerful and invincible. The revolutionaries themselves felt hopeless and were repeatedly frustrated. But when the historical tide arrived, simply because of an accidental discharge of a gun in the engineering battalion of the New Army, the seemingly impregnable Manchu Empire completely collapsed and met its end in just a few days. Therefore, for China to truly achieve one-person-one-vote democracy, we cannot expect any benevolent rulers to emerge from Zhongnanhai. Ultimately, it depends on us, the common people. Only when the voices and demands of the people become so strong that they tremble, will the conservatives in the CCP be forced to hand over the power they hold. Alright, that's all for today's program.

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