我們需要什麼樣的政治家？——在社達與泛道德主義夾縫中前行
我們需要什麼樣的政治家？如果民主反共運動有一個成熟穩健的陣營和生態，則取代中共指日可待。可惜的是，目前並沒有。各種聲音分散在社交媒體上，許多人以抓流量為主，醉心於吃人血饅頭時的狂歡，自己卻不願推進系統性的行動，且相互間也談不上專業的協作，只能算小圈子小幫派。嫉妒、詆譭、撕逼……成為常態。而除了粉紅五毛，即便是反共網民，也有相當多的人對各類聽床、謠言、陰謀論樂此不疲，甚至被各種假冒的“陳佩斯”、“孫海英”……忽悠得一愣一愣的。我們可以看到，在許多僅憑常識就能判斷的問題上，犯迷糊且堅持不願醒的人何其多！
在這種情況下，即便有一批優秀且正直的知識分子站出來，也很難清淤，相反還有可能被各種居心叵測的小人煽動起來的群氓搞得焦頭爛額乃至心灰意冷。
這是難免的，搞政治，多數情況下就是在與小人纏鬥，而立場不同的君子攻擊起你來，有時甚至比小人還激烈，因為小人還會惜命，君子認定了一條道兒，可以不怕死走到黑。
在如此複雜的環境下，靈活權變是一個現代政客的基本素質，在與小人和君子打交道的同時，不能手足無措進退失據。
但一個偉大的政治家，一定得有自己的核心理想和理念，有自己的堅持和原則。用最通俗的話講：就是要有鋼鐵般的意志。
特別是在叢林社達氾濫的華人政治環境下，沒有點信仰加持的意志，很難堅持，並可能迅速的墮落和庸俗化。
除了堅定的意志，一個成熟的政治家，還有一大特點是組織能力。這不是所謂的網紅吸粉能力，網紅與粉絲的關係，比同林鳥的夫妻更加脆弱，所以這些網紅，往往也只滿足並止步於個人利益的需求。而政治家的組織能力，要看是否能組織並團結志同道合者，有計劃有步驟有耐心的向同一個目標和願景邁進，並能為此忍受必要的犧牲。
令人期待的是，有些有志之士，願意向現實政治真正需要的方向推進。
我願誠懇的給這些同道們兩個常被忽視的小建議：
一，一定要高度重視系統化的軍事鬥爭，並在構建軍事鬥爭能力的過程中切實掌握物理性的政治力量。華人的政治環境，不會對動口不動手的君子留下太多寬容和溫情，只會嘲笑秀才造反十年不成。除了中共，還有大大小小各種隱藏的影子在伺機給你致命一擊。小人畏威不畏德，然小人又何其多，沒有物理性的處理和威懾力量，軟弱無力將如影隨形，任何高尚的理念和計劃都難以實現。
二，不要在政治實踐時迷失在泛道德主義的陷阱裡。道德當然是政治的核心要素之一，政治家更不應讓自己的理想墮落和庸俗化。堅持高尚的追求，並儘可能的追求程序正義，是值得稱讚的原則。但是，務必要警惕道德優越感之下一個常常出現的問題，那就是主動或被動的陷入泛道德主義的困境中。我們不是在與中共和平友好的政治協商，而是在進行一場集團對抗式的政治鬥爭。無論怎麼看待和評價政治鬥爭，在實際操作中，它都有自己無情的遊戲規則與客觀規律，是真正的順之者昌逆之者亡。這裡面有大量灰色和黑色的地帶是不得不面對的，有許多殘酷的抉擇也是當事人不得不去決定的，如果陷入泛道德主義的陷阱，就會跟歷史上許多人和許多政治集團一樣，以令人扼腕卻又難以避免的覆滅而收場。
好的政治家總是愛惜羽毛的，但只有偉大的政治家，才敢於在汙水潑天的地方，犧牲個人名節，為他人闖出一條路來。
What Kind of Politician Do We Need? — Navigating Between Social Darwinism and Moral Purism
If the pro-democracy and anti-CCP movement had a mature and stable ecosystem and camp, the replacement of the Chinese Communist Party would be within reach. Unfortunately, this is not the case. Various voices are scattered across social media, with many people focused on chasing views, indulging in the frenzy of exploiting tragic events for attention, yet unwilling to advance any systemic action. There is little professional collaboration among them, only cliques and factions. Jealousy, defamation, and infighting have become the norm.
Even beyond the CCP’s internet trolls, many anti-CCP users on the internet are obsessed with gossip, rumors, and conspiracy theories, falling for fake personas like "Chen Peisi" or "Sun Haiying" with embarrassing gullibility. We can clearly see that even on issues that common sense can easily judge, there are many who remain confused and stubbornly refuse to wake up.
In such circumstances, even if a group of outstanding and upright intellectuals stands up, it’s incredibly hard to clean the murky waters. On the contrary, they may find themselves worn out or even disheartened by mobs manipulated by malicious actors.
This is to be expected. In politics, one often battles with scoundrels. And gentlemen who differ in stance can sometimes attack more viciously than scoundrels—scoundrels value their lives, but gentlemen, once convinced of a cause, may go to the bitter end fearlessly.
In this complex environment, adaptability is a basic quality of any modern politician. When dealing with both scoundrels and gentlemen, one must not become flustered or lose direction.
But a great politician must also possess a core set of ideals and principles—an unyielding will of steel.
Especially within the Chinese political landscape, rife with jungle-style Social Darwinism, it’s nearly impossible to persevere or avoid degeneration and vulgarity without the support of strong belief and inner conviction.
Beyond unwavering willpower, a seasoned politician must also possess organizational ability. This is not the same as influencer-style fan-gathering. The bond between influencers and followers is even more fragile than a fleeting marriage. These influencers often only pursue personal gain and stop there. But a politician's organizational strength lies in their ability to unite like-minded individuals, and to lead them—patiently and strategically—toward a common goal, even at the cost of sacrifice.
Encouragingly, some aspiring individuals are genuinely moving toward what real-world politics demands.
To those comrades, I sincerely offer two often-overlooked suggestions:
First, place high importance on developing a systematic capacity for military struggle, and in the process of building it, gain tangible, physical political power. In the Chinese political environment, there is little tolerance or sympathy for the eloquent but powerless gentleman. People laugh at the scholar’s failed rebellion. Beyond the CCP, many lurking shadows wait for the chance to strike you down. The wicked fear power, not virtue—and they are everywhere. Without a capacity for physical confrontation and deterrence, weakness will haunt you like a shadow. Lofty ideals and plans will be difficult to realize.
Second, do not lose yourself in the trap of moral purism during political practice. Morality is, of course, a core element of politics, and politicians should not allow their ideals to degenerate into vulgar self-interest. Upholding high aspirations and procedural justice is admirable. But beware of the danger beneath moral superiority—that is, the trap of moral absolutism. We are not negotiating peacefully with the CCP; we are engaged in a political struggle between hostile groups. Regardless of one’s views, this struggle follows its own ruthless rules and objective logic—survival for the obedient, destruction for the defiant. Many gray and dark areas must be confronted. Many harsh decisions must be made. Those who fall into moral absolutism often end up as historical tragedies—pitiful, but predictable.
A good politician cherishes their reputation.But only a great politician dares to wade into the filth, to sacrifice their own name and honor, and carve out a path for others to follow.